Milner continued, “Before the new secretary-general is elected, there will be an election to replace the alternate from North America. And if either of the alternates from India or Europe are elected to become primary members, then there will be an election to replace them as well.
“Christopher,” Milner said, growing even more serious, “Ambassador Faure has asked me to support his candidacy to replace the late Ambassador Heineman as the primary member from Europe.”
“You refused, of course.”
“I told him I would.”
“What? But why?” Christopher blurted. “Isn’t Faure the very person you were talking about when you said we needed to defend against the encroachment of those who least mourned the loss of Secretary-General Hansen?”
“Yes, he is. But there is more to this than you may realize. As unfortunate as it may seem, Ambassador Faure will succeed in his bid to replace Ambassador Heineman on the Security Council; there is no way for us to prevent it.”
“But why?”
“Two reasons. First, as I said, the only other candidate capable of getting enough votes is Ambassador Valasquez of Spain. No one else has nearly enough support. Frankly, Valasquez is a fool to run against Faure. His closet is so full of skeletons that it’s a miracle none of them has fallen out before this. As soon as Faure’s people get around to investigating Valasquez’s background, they’re bound to start uncovering something embarrassing. If they’re smart, they’ll wait until the last minute and then get Valasquez to pull out in exchange for not releasing the information to the press. At that late date, no one else will be able to mount a serious candidacy. The second reason is that, as you know, Alice has certain abilities, certain insights into the future, that come to her through her spirit guide, Master Djwlij Kajm.”
Alice Bernley took this as her cue. “I am absolutely certain Ambassador Faure will be elected as the primary member from Europe to the Security Council. However, we must view this not as a loss, but as a short-term setback.”
“And we must make the most of the situation and find a way to use it to our ultimate advantage,” Milner added. “Since we know Faure will be elected with or without my support, it is best that I offer him my support in exchange for something we want. That’s where you come in, Christopher.”
Christopher seemed a little unsure of the whole situation, but he was always quick to recover. “Whatever I can do to help, just let me know.”
“Good,” said Milner. “I was sure you’d have that attitude. Now, instead of going directly to the UN you will go first to the Italian Mission.”
“As an Italian citizen, assigned to the UN, I would do that anyway, as a courtesy to Ambassador Niccoli.”
“Good. When you arrive at the Italian Mission you will be informed that three hours ago Ambassador Niccoli resigned his position as the Italian ambassador to the United Nations in order to pursue other interests.”
“What? What other interests?” interrupted Christopher.
“A very well-paid position as a director of the Banque of Rome. A bank in which, not coincidentally, David Bragford owns a twenty-two percent interest. But as I was saying,” Milner continued, “at the Italian Mission you will be given a sealed packet and a message to immediately call the Italian president on their secure line. When you reach President Sabetini, he will direct you to open the packet. Inside you will find documents to be presented to the UN Credentials Committee naming you as the new Italian ambassador to the United Nations.”
Christopher stared at Milner and then at Bernley. Bernley smiled, but for a moment no one spoke. Finally Christopher held his hands out in front of him, gesturing for them to stop. “Hold it a second,” he said. “Could you repeat the last part of that last sentence?”
“You heard me right, Christopher. You are going to be named the new Italian ambassador to the United Nations, assuming, of course, you’re willing.”
“But this is crazy. I’ve only been an Italian citizen for five years.”
“And for much of those five years,” Milner answered, “I have devoted myself to preparing you and the people of Italy for this moment. That’s why I urged you to become an Italian citizen in the first place.”
“But how could you have known?”
“We did not know the specifics,” Bernley answered. “Obviously, if we had known that Secretary-General Hansen was going to die, we would have tried to prevent it. But what I know and don’t know about the future is not something I get to pick and choose.”
“It did not take Alice’s clairvoyance,” Milner interjected, “to know that one day Hansen would step down. And when he did, we knew we would have to be prepared to preserve the advances he had made.”
“I’m sorry,” Christopher said, “but I still don’t understand. Why would President Sabetini name me as the new ambassador? And why would the priministro agree?”
“There are several reasons,” Milner said. “No doubt they like you and trust you. They believe you care about Italy and the Italian people. As for the president, my guess is he’s hoping you will someday become his son-in-law.”
“His son-in-law?! Why do people keep saying that? Tina and I are just friends,” Christopher said emphatically.
“That’s fine, Christopher. I’m just listing a few possible reasons. But, doubtless, the biggest reason the president would name you as ambassador and that the prime minister would back his decision, is that Italy wants a voice on the Security Council.”
“Hold it,” Christopher said. “I think I’ve missed something. How does my becoming the Italian ambassador give Italy a voice on the Security Council?”
“That’s why I have agreed to support Ambassador Faure’s election as Europe’s primary,” Milner answered. “Presently, thirteen European nations have committed their support to him. For my part, I am to provide him with the five additional votes he’ll need to be elected as primary. In exchange for these five votes, Ambassador Faure will support my candidate to replace him as alternate member. You, Christopher, will be my candidate. And that will give Italy its representation on the Security Council.”
Christopher took a deep breath and shook his head in wonderment. “But how can you promise the votes of five countries?”
“Well, one of those votes will come from Italy; that is, from you,” Milner answered.
“And the other four?”
“Christopher, Alice and I are not without some influence among the members of the UN. I’ve quite a large number of chits I may call in. And Alice, well, let’s just say that there are many people in the United Nations who greatly value her opinions.”
They rode in silence for the next few minutes, but as they pulled up to Two United Nations Plaza where the Italian Mission is located, across the street from the UN, Secretary Milner sought to reassure Christopher. “Christopher, I don’t know what you’re feeling right now, but let me assure you, you should not for a moment feel like this position was bought. In very few countries can ambassadorships still be bought and sold. Instead, you have been sold to the Italian president as the best person for the position and for Italy.”
“Thank you, Mr. Secretary. I’m glad you put it that way. I just keep expecting to wake up and find out this whole conversation has been a dream, or maybe for someone to yell ‘Surprise!’ and tell me this is all a practical joke.”
Milner knew Christopher well enough to know that no response was necessary, but Alice Bernley answered, “It’s no joke, Christopher.”
As Christopher got out of the car, he had one more thought, “I’m supposed to meet Decker in his office.”
“I’ll call and let him know you’ll be late,” Milner volunteered.
“Yeah, thanks, I’d appreciate that. But that’s not what I’m thinking about. I’m wondering how I’m going to explain why I’m late.”
22
Simple Arithmetic
Three weeks later
New York, New York
AMBASSADOR LEE YUN-MAI of China called
to order the session of the United Nations Security Council and welcomed each of the new members and alternates on behalf of the whole Council. The position of Security Council president rotated among the ten primary members on a monthly basis. It was not a particularly cherished position, but in the absence of a secretary-general it provided the only point of focus for the press. Ambassador Lee was one of the most experienced members of the Council. Now in her seventies and with more than thirty years of diplomatic service, she had served during all but three of the years during which Hansen had been secretary-general. As much as anyone, she hoped to limit the spectacle of the event that was about to unfold, but the election of the first Secretary-General since Jon Hansen would not be without its drama. In much of the world the proceedings were being carried live, with an expected total audience of a half billion listeners and viewers. Under the circumstances, it was unrealistic to hope for total abstinence from grand-standing by the members.
Italian Ambassador Christopher Goodman sat quietly at the C-shaped table in the place assigned to the European alternate member of the Security Council. There was little for him to do but watch; as an alternate he had no power to nominate, second, or even vote on the election of the new secretary-general. On most matters, alternates could speak when the floor was open for debate, but for the election of the secretary-general there would be no debate, only nominations, seconds, and votes.
If Christopher had needed any distraction, there were many other pressing matters to think about. Secretary Milner’s projections about India had been right on target; Nikhil Gandhi, the former Indian prime minister, had won the seat as primary from India, and, as expected, Rajiv Advani was now seeking to replace Gandhi as India’s prime minister. Even more pressing was the famine in Pakistan and Northern India. With Hansen’s death, the relief work had come to a virtual standstill. Christopher’s replacement at FAO, along with ECOSOC’s Executive Director Louis Colleta, were doing all they could with the resources available, but the matter was now stalled, awaiting debate by the Security Council. Even if it did finally come to the floor for a vote, without the driving force of Hansen there was little hope that the food-producing regions would contribute sufficient relief.
Christopher was in no position to help. As the alternate from Europe, he had replaced Faure as chairman of the World Peace Organization (WPO). While Christopher’s experience would have better suited him to work as the alternate in charge of ECOSOC, that position had been held for the last two years by the ambassador from Australia. Under current world conditions, ECOSOC offered far greater visibility and hence the Australian ambassador had no interest in giving it up.
With Pakistani refugee camps growing ever more crowded, those who could were attempting to cross the border into India. Many were intercepted and returned to Pakistan by the United Nations Military Observer Group in India and Pakistan (UNMOGIP), which had monitored the border between the two countries since 1949. But with sixteen hundred miles of border, half of which are traversable (the other half lying in the Great Indian Desert), the number of refugees pouring into India was greater than the UN forces could handle.
The Indian government, while expressing sympathy for the plight of the refugees, had responded to the attempted migration by sending its military to protect its borders against “invasion.” India had its own problems with famine and had no interest in allowing any additional mouths at its meager table. So far the Indian military had shown restraint, choosing simply to escort refugees back across the border with a stern warning. There had been a few dozen shootings and beatings, but these were the exceptions. Whether the policy of restraint would continue under Rajiv Advani remained to be seen. Despite efforts to stop the migration, UNMOGIP estimated that hundreds of refugees eluded capture daily. There was no telling how long the Indian government would allow this before resorting to unrestrained military force.
Refugees who made it into India soon found their efforts to be futile. Although food was not as scarce as in Pakistan, it was impossible to purchase and nearly impossible to beg or steal. Even when the refugees had money, the Hindu merchants chose to sell what little they had to their own people, unless a sufficient premium could be paid to convince them to do otherwise. Added to the refugees’ problems were the cultural and religious differences between Pakistanis, who are nearly all Muslims, and Indians, who are predominantly Hindu.
At ECOSOC, Christopher might have been able to help. As chairman of WPO, his job had the wholly different focus of keeping refugees from pouring across the border and minimizing the need for India’s military intervention.
At the Pakistani/Indian border, more than just countries and cultures met. It was also the demarcation between the UN regions of India and the Middle East and between Muslims and Hindus. Adding a third element to the amalgam was China, which shares a border with both India and Pakistan. For decades, even with the easing of tensions that had occurred under Hansen, the Indian government had provided covert support to the Tibetan Buddhist followers of the Dalai Lama who sought the separation of Tibet from China. China, meanwhile, maintained a very strong relationship with Pakistan.
Were this not enough to distract Christopher from the Security Council proceedings, there was another matter as well. Christopher’s predecessor at WPO, Albert Faure, had left numerous unfinished matters. Among them was a UN treaty with Israel to formally extend expired diplomatic agreements, ensure the exchange and safe delivery of diplomatic packets, and provide diplomatic immunity for visiting officials. The treaty had very little to do with military issues, but after being shuffled around the other agencies for two and a half years because no one could convince the Israelis it was in their interest to sign it, someone had decided it should go to WPO because one of the more obscure provisions was a mutual agreement of nonaggression.
Now, appropriately or not, the treaty lay at Christopher’s doorstep, and his success in negotiating with the Israelis was seen as the first measure of this untried ambassador’s abilities. It was ironic that such a treaty was even necessary, but Israel—which had become a nation as a result of a vote by the United Nations General Assembly—had later resigned its membership because of the reorganization of the Security Council and was now the only country in the world that refused membership in that body.
As far as the Israelis were concerned, the old agreements with the UN could stand just the way they were. They saw no reason to renegotiate and were reluctant to open themselves up to new demands. The Israeli resignation from the United Nations had originally been viewed by her Arab neighbors as an opportunity to isolate Israel from the rest of the world. They had sought a complete and immediate halt of all trade with Israel, but that attempt was doomed from the start. Ultimately, a nonbinding resolution and statement of principles was adopted by the General Assembly that prohibited sales of advanced weapons to Israel, but the resolution had exactly the opposite effect than was hoped for by Israel’s opponents. For the first seven years after their war with the Arab states and then with the Russian Federation, Israel’s defensive arsenal had consisted primarily of the huge weapons caches left behind by the Russians. Most of the Russian weapons were inferior to those Israel possessed prior to the war, but with modifications they were made workable. Since that time, while most countries’ military budgets were being cut back, Israel had maintained a constantly increasing defense budget. The upshot was that while her Muslim neighbors grumbled loudly, there was no real possibility they’d attack Israel again anytime in the foreseeable future. Israel could afford to be a little smug.
Albert Faure, who had never expended much effort on his responsibilities as chairman of WPO, had not even tried to get the new treaty with Israel signed. There was evidence he had let slide or mismanaged a number of other duties as well. The one thing he did seem to do well was to appoint his friends to positions in WPO’s administration.
With the formalities behind them, Ambassador Lee opened the floor to nominations for secretary-general. One of the perh
aps less democratic holdovers from the days before the reorganization of the Security Council was the manner in which the secretary-general was elected, which required unanimous approval of a candidate by the Security Council followed by a full vote of the General Assembly. 54 During the years of Secretary-General Hansen, this procedure had not been an issue; Hansen had proven during his first five-year term that he placed no region over any other, not even his own. At the conclusion of each of his first two terms Hansen had been renominated by the Security Council and approved by the General Assembly. It was assumed by most that the same would be true at the end of his third term. With his death, the Security Council was faced with the sticky problem of finding a candidate who was satisfactory to all ten primary members. The disapproval of any one of the members would, in effect, veto the nomination. The net result was that everyone knew from the outset this meeting would produce no consensus on the selection of a candidate.
First to be recognized by the chair was Ambassador Yuri Kruszkegin of the Republic of Khakassia, representing Northern Asia. Following the devastation of the Russian Federation, Kruszkegin had left the United Nations to help form the new government of his home province of Khakassia, but had returned to the UN five years later. His election to represent Northern Asia on the Security Council had been unanimous by the members of that region. Kruszkegin rose and nominated Ambassador Tanaka of Japan, representing the Pacific Basin. Japan had been very supportive of the countries of Northern Asia in their efforts to rebuild after the war with Israel. Even before the United Nations voted to eliminate trade barriers, Japan dropped many of the trade impediments between itself and the nations of Northern Asia. These steps had been very important to the reconstruction of that region and Kruszkegin was repaying the debt. The nomination was seconded by Ambassador Albert Faure of France, representing Europe. Faure’s reasons for seconding the nomination were far from clear. The best guess of most observers was that Faure was hoping for something in return.
In His Image Page 35
