Axis of Evil: Post Apocalyptic EMP Survival Fiction (The Lone Star Series Book 1)

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Axis of Evil: Post Apocalyptic EMP Survival Fiction (The Lone Star Series Book 1) Page 12

by Bobby Akart


  The Moody Theater

  Block 21

  Austin, Texas

  A jubilant crowd of twenty-five hundred Texans crowded the stage of the Moody Theater, home to the famed Austin City Limits music program, which had been running in Austin since the mid-1970s. Block 21, a hugely popular mixed-use development in downtown Austin, partnered with the Moody Foundation in Galveston to create the music venue, which became home to the longest-running live music television program in American history. ACL Live presented music lovers of all genres, especially country, the finest in performances. But, on this night, the Moody was packed full of supporters of newly re-elected Governor Marion Burnett.

  Even though all the votes were not yet tallied, Governor Burnett’s opponent had already conceded, just an hour after the polls closed. As the television monitors throughout the venue began to reveal the results, the Burnett faithful began to whip themselves up into a joyous celebration. After the local media reported that the concession call had been made, chants of Texas strong! Texas free! filled the hall.

  Governor Burnett began her remarks with the customary condolences to her opponent and thanks to her team for their efforts. After several mundane remarks pulled directly from her stump speech about her vision for the future, she broached the topic her political handlers constantly reminded her to avoid during the campaign—secession.

  “My fellow Texans, I did not run a campaign attempting to hide who I am. Y’all know my mouth is too big for that, right? While I’m committed to governing for the best interests of all Texans, I don’t intend to compromise my principles for those who disagree with me. What I intend to do is disprove those naysayers who label my policies as isolationist, protectionist, or, God forbid—secessionist!”

  The crowd roared their approval at the word secessionist. The chanting began again in earnest.

  “Texas strong! Texas free!”

  “Texas strong! Texas free!”

  Governor Burnett continued. “Texans aren’t un-American, and don’t you let the media up East convince you that you are. I refuse to allow the media to define us. So if you people in New York City are paying attention, let me tell you about Texans.

  “We’re proud of our culture. Texans share a common way of life, which revolves around family, religion, and community. Our core beliefs may differ slightly, but in the end, we want Texas to be a great place to raise a family, start a business, and live free of burdensome laws that don’t reflect our values.

  “Texas has a proud history, one that reflects self-reliance, freedom, and a sense of pride that is unparalleled across the country. In every aspect of our lives, we choose freedom. My friends, God blessed Texas, and we thank Him daily, without hesitation!”

  Again, the crowd erupted in cheers and celebration.

  “Texas strong! Texas free!”

  “Texas strong! Texas free!”

  She allowed her supporters their moment. They’d worked hard year-round to push her over the finish line and election to another term in office. This party was for them as much as it was for her.

  “Let me school the media and those folks in California who tried their darndest to influence this election. We Texans are a proud bunch, and we are also diverse. From El Paso to Brownsville and from Lubbock to Texarkana, this state is made up of all types of races, ethnic groups, religions, and cultures. Texas belongs to all of us, not just those who voted for me. It was given to us by God, and it will be enjoyed by our families for so long as we treat it with respect. There is no us versus them among fellow Texans, is there?”

  “Nooooooo!” shouted the crowd in response.

  “But this election did send a clear message to outsiders who attempted to meddle in our affairs during this election, and in other ways daily. You stay out of our business and don’t mess with Texas!”

  The crowd cheered once again. Governor Burnett invoked an often-used phrase that had evolved as a battle cry of sorts for Texans. In actuality, Don’t Mess With Texas was created as part of an antilitter campaign decades ago.

  As the excitement subsided, Governor Burnett took on a more somber demeanor. “My friends, I’d like to take a moment to get serious about our future. The campaign is over, the election reflected the will of Texans, and now it’s time for me to continue working on your behalf.

  “I am a proud Christian, as I know most of you are. I’ve often been asked by the media, how can you reconcile being a Christian and working in the cutthroat world of politics? God has blessed me with this opportunity to help our state be a better place to live for all of His children. I believe the people of God should be a blessing to our culture, not be removed from it.

  “Our Founding Fathers provided us the greatest country on Earth, one that is rare in history. We can be directly involved. We can vote and have a say in how we are governed, and the words of Peter, Paul, and Joseph confirmed in the Bible that we should.

  “Like any political leader, I believe I have a vision for Texas that’s in the best interest of every Texan. Now, in order to carry out that vision, I must get elected, and then like tonight, get re-elected. That requires gathering votes during the election process, which is a necessary result of being popular with the voters.

  “I will tell you, I face a crossroads from time to time in my political values in which the right thing to do is not necessarily the popular thing to do. I try to inform the people of Texas on the issues, and I listen to their feedback. Then I turn to God for guidance.

  “The Book of Proverbs says if you are faint in the day of adversity, your strength will be small. My friends, it is in our most difficult days that we must be strong. When evil tries to gain control over us, that is when we must stand tall. We must be heroes when life demands us to be heroes.

  “I’m not necessarily talking about a war between nations. I’m talking a war between cultures with differing morals, values and core beliefs. Our nation is divided as it’s entered a hyper-political climate. So-called blue states have become bluer, and red states have become redder as like-minded individuals relocate to be with others of their point of view. Sadly, we may never see eye to eye on anything except an external threat.

  “My friend Reverend Tommy Nelson, pastor of the Denton Bible Church, said it best when he referred to it as a continental divide among the American people. The polarization of our nation is at an all-time high. My goal is to eliminate this rancid political discourse in our state by bringing all of us, regardless of race, sex, or whatever, together as Texans.

  “We will be Texans first, if need be. And if Washington and a mouthy few in the northeast media or on the West Coast can’t accept who we are, then they can learn to live without us! Because, make no mistake, my friends, under my stewardship, we can separate ourselves from the madness that has overtaken America. The solution is Texas strong! Texas free!”

  Chapter 25

  November 9

  U.S. Naval Forces Central Command

  NSA Bahrain

  Duncan and Park had been airlifted from the flight deck of the USS Jack H. Lucas as it was en route back to US Naval Forces Central Command, NAVCENT, located at Naval Support Activity Bahrain. Two teams were left aboard the Singapore-flagged FooChow as it was taken into custody per Washington’s instructions. The crew was being brought into NAVCENT for interrogation and further disposition.

  Immediately upon boarding the Sikorsky SH-60 Seahawk, an ensign provided Duncan a sealed packet and access to a Microsoft laptop computer. When the men were notified by Captain Abbey that they would be returned to NSA Bahrain immediately, the adrenaline that had filled their bodies during the search of the FooChow returned out of apprehension.

  The three-hundred-mile flight across the tip of the United Arab Emirates provided them plenty of time to review their new deployment orders. Anxious to learn about their new mission, Duncan booted the laptop. Inside the envelope, there was a note card with an alphanumeric code, meaningless to most people but one that had been established by Duncan befor
e they left Langley months ago. It was a combination of the date Dallas had been killed in action and his brother’s initials.

  This code was a message advising Duncan that the information he’d be accessing was for their eyes only. It also indicated to him that he’d need to insert the 128GB USB drive that he kept in his possession. The flash drive contained software that allowed him to access the CIA’s secure network designed solely for his benefit, and his superiors.

  He responded to a series of security questions, and then he was able to review his messages on the secure server. The first message indicated he could share the information with Park.

  “All right, buddy,” started Duncan as he flexed his fingers and took a deep breath. He turned the laptop’s screen so that both he and Park could view its display. The men cozied up in the back of the SH-60 as its twin turboshaft rotors propelled it at nearly ten thousand feet above the water at one hundred forty miles per hour. “Let’s see what they’ve got in store for us.”

  “Looks like the first stop is Misawa Air Base,” said Park. “I’ve never passed through there, have you?”

  “Nope, not really familiar with it, either,” replied Duncan.

  Misawa Air Base was located in a remote location in the northeast of Japan. It was a joint installation of the Air Force, Navy, and Army, but it fell primarily under the purview of the 35th Fighter Wing.

  “It has a long history dating back to the Korean War,” Park said as he followed along with Duncan through their redeployment instructions. “It also acts as a staging area for special ops related to China. My guess is we’re going into the land of the Red Dragon.”

  Duncan continued to read through the messages and then clicked a link marked logistics. Maps, images, and biographies of various people were made available.

  “Park, have you actually been to Korea?” asked Duncan.

  “Yeah, when I was like three years old with my parents. Why?” he asked as he leaned forward to study the monitor. “Wait. Really?”

  “Really. We’re going into North Korea,” replied Duncan.

  “Why? I thought our friends at Langley liked us.”

  Duncan looked at his partner. “To be determined. But why do you say that?”

  “Because operatives who go into North Korea usually don’t come back out.”

  Chapter 26

  November 9

  Undisclosed Military Command Center

  North of Pyongyang

  North Korea

  Since the Korean War, the Kim regimes had become masters of putting their critical command and control facilities of the military underground. Many of their military command structures had been buried deep under mountains, oftentimes obscured by factories or transportation facilities. To avoid prying eyes from above, the buildings on the surface appeared unassuming, but underneath, a series of wide tunnels and cavernous openings built by political prisoners rivaled the underground facilities at Cheyenne Mountain.

  North Korea was expert at keeping secrets from the outside world. Political dissent was met with immediate, oftentimes deadly punishments. Access to the worldwide web via the internet was forbidden and made impossible by the state’s control over communications. Their technology and tight controls prevented outside media like Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty from being piped into the country.

  This veil of secrecy had served them well and was instrumental in allowing them to forge a close working relationship with another rogue nation who had the United States as a common enemy—Iran.

  For decades, Iran and North Korea had shared missile and satellite technology. American intelligence also worked overtime to establish tangible proof of cooperation between the two nation-states in the nuclear arena.

  It was the Iranians who taught the North Koreans to exploit the West’s penchant for interconnectivity. Pyongyang learned an enemy that had internet-connected banking, stock trading, critical infrastructure, and social media was vulnerable to cyber warfare. The Kim regime learned that the opportunities to wreak havoc via cyber attacks were endless.

  North Korea had become experts at ransomware, including WannaCry, which had held online hospital records hostage until a fee was paid. Several years ago, North Korean hackers had compromised computers in Seoul, stealing a vast cache of data, including highly classified wartime contingency plans jointly prepared by the Pentagon and South Korea.

  All of this information was routinely shared with the Iranians, with whom they’d shared a military alliance since the 1980s. Iran’s Ghadir-class submarines were virtually identical to North Korea’s Yono-class. The Iranians had recently tested missiles that were identical in design to the North Koreans’. And eight months ago, the Iranians launched a satellite into low-Earth orbit that appeared to be a copy of the North Korean KMS-4 launched by Pyongyang six years ago.

  This collaborative military-to-military relationship was underscored when leaders from both countries met in open defiance of U.S. policymakers during the United Nations General Assembly vote on the sanctions package. The headline emblazoned across newspapers worldwide read The Enemy of my Enemy is my Friend. While the two countries were hardly enemies, these emerging regional powers had gained the upper hand in world opinion over the U.S.

  Deep underground, in the mountains hidden behind an automobile parts factory, Kim Jong-un, through an interpreter, spoke directly to Iran’s President Hassan Rouhani. They discussed their trade agreements, in violation of international sanctions. They agreed that the recent capture of the North Korean scientists and the satellite meant nothing. They pledged to escalate their own wartime military plans.

  The two men, despite their vast differences in culture and ideology, truly enjoyed one another’s company. They laughed together when a date was agreed upon for the demise of the Great Satan, as the Iranians referred to the United States. The Axis of Evil, hidden behind multiple layers of secrecy, had reached an accord—one that was decades in the making.

  Chapter 27

  November 9

  The Oval Office

  The White House

  Washington, DC

  President Harman joined Acton and Jennings in the Oval Office for coffee prior to the President’s Daily Brief. PDB for short, the President’s Daily Brief took place in the Roosevelt Room and focused on national security issues. The briefing usually lasted around thirty minutes and was attended by key members of the national security team, but not necessarily members of the president’s cabinet.

  President Harman routinely attended these briefings but mostly looked to her chief of staff and senior political advisor to discuss matters of utmost importance. Today, she wanted to address the issue of Iran and North Korea, but the initial conversation over coffee revolved around the national headlines out of Austin. Governor Burnett’s speech the night before had struck a nerve with the media and political pundits.

  “I personally don’t understand what the big deal is,” started President Harman. “She’s clearly playing to her base. Did you watch the excerpts they showed on CNN?”

  “Actually, I watched the entire acceptance speech,” replied Jennings. “None of the midterm congressional races were nearly as intriguing as the governor’s ability to fire up her supporters.”

  The president took a sip of coffee and shook her head. “True, but wasn’t it just a lot of noise, especially when she constantly alludes to secession? They don’t really buy into that garbage down there, do they?”

  “Don’t underestimate her message,” replied Acton. “She has a clear and convincing state-centric nationalist approach to governing.”

  “Okay, Charles, that was a mouthful.” The president chuckled. “Would you break it down for me?”

  “Of course, Madame President. Typically, a candidate for president who advances a nationalism platform, like the prior administration, runs on five core issues—shared culture, proud history, common religion, everyday language, and national boundaries. She struck the same tones during her speech, but she applied
these principles to Texas.”

  “It was if she were looking at Texas as its own country,” interjected the president.

  “Exactly. Here’s an interesting fact about Texas that isn’t known by a lot of people outside their state, but it’s something that is taught in every elementary school there,” started Jennings, the political whiz and a student of American history. “You’ve heard of Six Flags over Texas, right?”

  “Sure, it’s an amusement park,” replied the president. “We have something similar in LA called Six Flags over Magic Mountain.”

  “Okay, that’s true, but it’s not what I’m referring to,” continued Jennings. “It was originally used as a slogan to describe the flags of the six different nations that have flown over Texas. Throughout its history, Texas has been claimed by Spain, France, Mexico, the Confederacy, the United States, and in the mid-nineteenth century, it was its own republic. There are many Texans, led by Governor Burnett, who believe the days when Texas was its own republic, a sovereign nation, should be resurrected.”

  The president finished her coffee and set the cup on the table in front of them. “Listen, I was in San Francisco when they started talking that secession nonsense in creating the State of Jefferson. It went nowhere. Then, after the 2016 election, the pendulum swung in the other direction and the entire state wanted to split into several parts. They called it Calexit. It also faded away.”

  “I believe Texas is a little different, Madame President,” said Jennings. “Last spring, they passed the Texas Sovereignty Act, which allows for overriding federal laws through the same process their legislature has for passing a bill in the State House. A request to nullify a federal law’s enforcement in Texas would have to be proposed, pass through committee, and receive the votes in the Texas legislature. If the governor signed it, then the federal law would be avoided within the state.”

 

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