21. Avenel, Lettres, VI, 608 n., Bullion to Chavigny, 25 Oct. 1639; ibid., 881–2, Richelieu to Bouthillier, 10 Oct. 1641.
22. Ibid., VII, 302, Richelieu to Bouthillier, 28 Feb. 1642. See Bonney, ‘Louis XIII’, on Richelieu's reform plan of 1640.
23. AMAE (P) CPE Supplément 3/241, Bernard de Duplessis-Besançon's ‘Première négotiation des françois en Cathalogne’; Grotius, Briefwisseling, XI, 496, Charles Marini to Grotius, 6 Sep. 1640.
24. Jacquart, La crise, 647, quoting the journal of Olivier d'Ormesson, 12 May 1644.
25. APW, 2nd series II B, IV, 283–4, Servien to Mazarin, 15 Apr. 1645 (‘empire françois’ and ‘révolutions’ in the original).
26. Ibid., 511–12, Brienne to the ‘plenipotentiaries’ at Münster, 4 Oct. 1646; and 241, Mazarin to d'Avaux, 20 July 1646.
27. Chéruel, Histoire, II, 497, quoting the Journal manuscrit d'un bourgeois de Paris; Chéruel, Lettres, II, 535, Mazarin to Longueville, 6 Dec. 1647; Descimon and Jouhaud, ‘La Fronde en mouvement’, 307, quote Richelieu's warning. Bercé, Histoire, I, 100, suggests 25,000 imprisoned ‘tax delinquents’ in 1646.
28. Motteville, Mémoires, II, 8 (the author accompanied the queen); Bluche, ‘Un vent’, 168, notes the tax burden on Paris; Jacquart, ‘Paris’, 116 n. 3, estimates the city's size.
29. Le Boindre, Débats, 44, Broussel on 5 Feb. 1648; Chéruel, Histoire, II, 501–2, quoting Talon's speech and the Venetian ambassador.
30. Retz, Oeuvres, II, 105–6. Compare the similar error of James VI and I a generation before: see p. 326 above.
31. Chéruel, Lettres, II, 917 and 948, Mazarin to Grimaldi, 4 July and 10 Sep. 1647; and 505, to Fontenay-Mareuil (French ambassador in Rome), 7 Oct. 1647.
32. Ranum, Paris, 283; Arnauld, De la fréquente communion (1643). Orcibal, Jansénius, 242, quotes Antoine Arnauld's claim that ‘if [Jansen] had not been suspected of being the author of Mars Gallicus they would never have found heresy in his Augustinus’.
33. Co. Do. In., LXXXIV, 230–1, 234–5, Peñaranda to Don Luis de Haro and to Philip IV, 18 May 1648.
34. Details from Charmeil, Le Trésoriers de France, 16, 73, 96–7, 146–7, 247 and 270. On 30 June 1648 a minister claimed that ‘it is now six weeks since lending money ceased’ – i.e. since mid-May: Bonney, Political change, 53.
35. Le Boindre, Débats 122, reports that on 17 June 1648, ‘being unable to hold back their indignation’, several judges interrupted the King's Advocate and ‘broke the thread of his argument’. After three attempts to speak, he withdrew. Ranum, Fronde, 105, notes the forcible restraint of Molé.
36. Chéruel, Lettres, III, 159–60, Mazarin to Chanut, 31 July 1648, the day when Parlement registered the new edicts.
37. Ibid., III, 173–81, Mazarin to Servien, 14 Aug. 1648.
38. Mousnier, ‘Some reasons’, describes and analyzes these events on the basis of 14 eyewitness accounts.
39. See Bourgeon, ‘L'Île de la Cité’, 127–8, and Carrier, Labyrinthe, 429, on the ‘Great Fear’ (‘appréhension’) that gripped Paris.
40. Ranum, Fronde, 42, discusses the etymology of the term.
41. Chéruel, Lettres, III, 218–23, Mazarin to Servien, Paris, 23 Oct. 1648. The following day, 500 miles away in Münster, Servien signed the peace. Rohrschneider, Der gescheiterte Frieden, 407–16, provides a masterly account of the link between peace-making in Westphalia and the Fronde in Paris.
42. Motteville, Mémoires, II, 98, 214. (Mme de Motteville, whose Spanish mother had served as Anne's secretary, mentioned the Híjar conspiracy against Philip IV as well as the trial of Charles I in London.)
43. See the convincing argument by Bonney, ‘The French Civil War’, 76–7, drawing not only on pamphlets issued on behalf of the nobles but also on the ‘cahiers de la noblesse’ prepared in 1649 and 1651. Many aristocratic Frondeurs boasted an intellectual or family tradition of opposing the government: see Benigno, Specchi, 154–5.
44. Duccini, ‘Regard’, 322, quoting L'adieu et le désespoir des auteurs et écrivains de la guerre civile.
45. Carrier, Fronde, I, no. 3, Anon., Epilogue, ou dernier appel du bon citoyen sur les misères publiques (Mar 1649); Advertissement aux rois (1649), 6; and Carrier, Fronde, I, no. 8 [Louis Machon], Les véritables maximes du gouvernement de la France (Mar. 1652).
46. La custode de la reyne, qui dit tout [The curtain around the queen's bed tells all] (Paris, 1649), 8 pages, 26 verses; Merrick, ‘The cardinal and the queen’, 677 (quoting Le ministre d'état flambé also of 1649). Merrick, ‘The cardinal and the queen’, quotes many other Mazarinades that, in their sexual explicitness, have no parallel in early modern Europe; Beik, Louis XIV, 30–5, prints a scatological Mazarinade in English translation.
47. Jacquart, Crise, 652, 656, 765; Buisman, Duizend Jaar, IV, 499; Bourgeon, ‘L'Île de la Cité’, 119. Paris grain prices here and elsewhere from Baulant, ‘Les prix’, 539. Each livre contained 20 sols (or sous).
48. Motteville, Mémoires, II, 355.
49. Arnauld, Lettres, I, 416–17 (to Sister Geneviève, Apr. 1649) and 423–4 (to M. Macquet, 14 May 1649).
50. Carrier, Labyrinthe, 85, quoting two journals kept by Parisians. Other examples in Bonolas, ‘Retz’, 447–9.
51. Bonney, Limits, VII, 820–3, on Mazarin's submission, and 832 on Condé's wealth. Descimon and Jouhaud, ‘La Fronde en mouvement’, 317–18, evaluate Condé's strengths and weaknesses.
52. Chéruel, Lettres, IV, 619, Mazarin to Chanut, 28 Apr. 1650; Parival, Abrégé de l'histoire, 480.
53. Bercé, Histoire, I, 472–89; Pillorget, Mouvements, 647–70; and Carrier, La Fronde, II, no. 38, Estat des pauvres de la frontière de Picardie (Paris, 1650). On Provence, see Baehrel, Une croissance, 535.
54. Jouanna, Devoir de révolte, 262–73, discusses the Assembly of Nobles between 5 Feb. and 25 Mar. 1651, attended by 700–800 lords (of whom 463 signed the Act of Union on 18 Feb.), and other, smaller meetings in 1649 and 1652. The Assembly of the French clergy, meeting at the same time, made the same demands.
55. See Carrier, La presse, 432–5 (on purchasers) and 351–2 (on the ‘wanted’ poster).
56. Carrier, La Fronde, I, no. 11, Robert Arnauld, La vérité toute nue.
57. Descimon, ‘Autopsie’, provides an excellent account of the chaotic summer of 1652 in Paris.
58. Carrier, Labyrinthe, 148–9; Kötting, Die Ormée, passim; and ch. 12 above.
59. Bonney, Limits, IV.89, and VII.853, on Mazarin's bribes; and VIII.336–7, on revoking the edicts of Parlement.
60. Bonolas, ‘Retz’, and Carrier, Labyrinthe, 115–18, conclude that others wrote many of the radical pamphlets ascribed to Retz.
61. Golden, The Godly rebellion, 77 (attendance at the assemblies of the Paris curés, 1653–9), and 143–51 (evidence that perhaps two-thirds of the Paris priests were Jansenists).
62. Michel, Jansénisme, 327–66, on the religious polemics; Le Roy Ladurie, Histoire humaine, 441–3, on the 1658 floods; and ch. 8 above on Mazarin's praise of ‘quitting when one is ahead’.
63. Carrier, Labyrinthe, 431, complaint by ‘La Fleur’, a famous ‘empiric’; Arnauld, Lettres, II, 65, to prioress of Gif, Mar. 1652.
64. Arnauld, Lettres, II, 431–5, to the queen of Poland, 28 Jan. 1654; Garnier, ‘Calamitosa tempora’, 9 (Crétail); Jacquart, ‘La Fronde’, 283 (with several population graphs similar to Crétail).
65. Goubert, ‘The French peasantry’, 162–4, based on Goubert, Beauvais et le Beauvaisis, 510–11 and 607–12. Lebrun, Les hommes, 166, reported extreme dearth in Anjou in 1652–4.
66. Carrier, Labyrinthe, 150, Renaud de Sévigné to Christine de France, 19 July 1652; Arnauld, Lettres, II, 177, to the queen of Poland, 6 Sep. 1652; Jacquart, ‘La Fronde’, 279 quoting André d'Ormesson; Mémoires de Mlle. de Montpensier, II, 276, reporting the pessimism of Gaston, her father, at Easter 1655.
67. Robin Briggs: personal communication in May 2004. Dale van Kley reminds me that although revolution did not shake the integrity of France
after 1789, it might well have done so after 1648.
68. Le Roy Ladurie, Histoire humaine, I, 452, estimates a loss of 500,000 due to famine amenorrhea, fewer marriages and what he is pleased to call ‘les froideurs génitales’. See also Dupâquier, Histoire de la population, I, 204–5.
69. Louis XIV, Mémoires, 34.
70. Barnes, ‘“Playing the part”’, 184, quoting René Le Voyer d'Argenson, Annales de la Compagnie du Saint Sacrement (manuscript completed in 1694). The fact that the Company preferred dissolution to accepting royal scrutiny no doubt convinced Mazarin that he was right.
71. Details from Dessert, ‘Finances’. See also Dulong, ‘Mazarin et ses banquiers’. Fouquet remained in prison until his death, 19 years later.
72. Beik, Louis XIV, 96–107, provides flow charts of Louis XIV's finances that would have made Colbert drool with envy.
73. Lough, John Locke's travels, 30–1, journal entry for 8 Feb. 1676. Blaufarb, ‘The survival’, reveals how this new balance between crown and estates worked to everyone's advantage.
74. Ranum, Paris, 145, quoting Nicholas Delamare, Traité de la police.
75. Louis XIV, Mémoires, 280, written in 1679. Beik, Louis XIV, 59–61, prints an interesting eyewitness account from 1673 of how Louis maintained control over his ministers.
76. APW, 3rd series, C II/1, Diarium Volmar, 214–17, entry for 17 Nov. 1644; APW, 2nd series, B I, 826, Servien to Brienne, 31 Dec. 1644; and idem, IV, 26, d'Avaux to Mazarin, 13 June 1646.
77. Mormiche, Devenir prince, 292, 281, 283, all quoting La Mothe le Vayer, De l'instruction de Monsieur le Dauphin (1640), a work that attracted the favourable attention of Richelieu and led to La Mothe's appointment first as preceptor to Louis's younger brother and then to Louis himself. Note Louis XIII's ignorance regarding the likely cost of declaring war on Spain: see page 296 above.
78. Silvestre de Sancy, Lettres, III, 321 and 345, Mme de Sévigné to Mme de Grignan, 28 June and 24 July 1675; Le Roy Ladurie, Histoire humaine, 462–3 (Provence); Lough, John Locke's travels, 89, Journal entry for 1 May 1676. Climate data in Masson-Delmotte, ‘Changes’, and Garnier, ‘Grapevine harvest dates’.
79. Komlos, ‘An anthropometric history’, 170–1; Corvisier, L'Armée française, 643.
Chapter 11 The Stuart Monarchy
1. Thanks for detailed comments and suggestions to Aidan Clarke, David Cressy, Richard Groening, Andrew Mackillop, Jane Ohlmeyer, Carla Pestana, Glyn Redworth and John Walter. Britain in the seventeenth century still used the Julian Calendar (‘Old Style’), ten days earlier than the Gregorian Calendar common on the continent. Thus the Scottish Revolution began on 23 July 1637 in Edinburgh (and in this chapter), which in Paris, Rome and Madrid was 2 August.
2. Nalson, An impartial collection, I, iv–vi. Nalson even ridiculed Rushworth's dedication to Richard Cromwell, ‘it being very improper to expect preferments and rewards, by telling the son that his father was a rebel and a murderer’ ODNB s.v. Rushworth, quoting a letter to Anthony à Wood.
3. James I, His maiesties speech to both houses of Parliament (1607), sig D.
4. Ibid., sig. F2, a speech that James devoted to ‘selling’ the Union to Parliament.
5. Ibid., sig. H; Howell, Cobbett's complete collection, II, col. 114, the king's speech, 18 Apr. 1604; Davies, A discovery, 252; Silke, ‘Primate Lombard’, 131.
6. Calderwood, History, VII, 263.
7. Ibid., VII, 514; Appleby, Epidemics and famine, 126–7, 146–7; Thirsk, Agrarian history, IV, 582 (quoting letters by local magistrates to the Privy Council in 1623) and 631–2 (on the poor harvests of 1618–25 in England).
8. James I, His maiesties speech (1607), sig. Cv; Coke, The third part of the Institutes, 2, and Jansson and Bidwell, Proceedings in Parliament, 1625, 35, both referred to the 1624 Parliament as ‘happy’; Cust, Charles I, 41.
9. Thirsk, Agrarian history, IV, 632–3; Bamford, Royalist's notebook, 27–8 and 54. See ch. 4 above on smallpox.
10. Kyle, ‘Parliament and the palace of Westminster’, and Kyle and Peacey, ‘“Under cover”’, draw a fascinating picture of bustle and intimacy. The only forum that rivalled the Palace of Westminster in size and animated debate was the French Chambre Saint-Louis during the Fronde: see ch. 10.
11. Johnson et al., Commons Debates 1628, II, 58–60, Sir Benjamin Rudyerd's speech on 22 Mar. 1628.
12. Rushworth, Historical Collections, I, 631–8, Remonstrance presented on 17 June 1628.
13. Baker, ‘Climate’, 427 (from the diary of Richard Napier); Bamford, Royalist's notebook, 79; Wharton, The history, 47–9 and 51 (from Laud's Diary); PRO SP 16/282/134, a Latin poem on the ‘most intense cold of January [1635] when the whole Thames froze over’ (I thank David Cressy for this reference); CSPV, XXIV, 63, Anzolo Correr to Doge, 5 Sep. 1636.
14. Fincham, ‘The judges' decision’, 236, from Sir Roger Twysden's ‘Remembrances’.
15. On the three men, see ODNB s v. John Bastwick, Henry Burton and William Prynne. In their journals, the Northampton attorney Robert Woodford, the Kent gentleman Sir Roger Twysden and the London craftsman Nehemiah Wallington all recorded the verdict with outrage: see New College, Oxford, Ms 9502, n.p., entries for 25 Aug. 1637 and 29 Nov. 1640; Fincham, ‘The judges' decision’, 237; and BL Addl. 21,935/40, 48, and 53–66v.
16. Clarendon, History, 92 (an encomium sustained in the three following pages), BL Addl. 21,935/48, Wallington's ‘Historical notes’; Fincham, ‘The judges' decision’, 232–7, Sir Roger Twysden's summary of views expressed by his fellow gentry.
17. Firpo, Relazioni, I, 791–814, ‘Relation’ of Anzolo Correr, Richmond, 24 Oct. 1637, with large parts in cipher (summarized in CSPV, XXIV, 295–308). Correr's omission reflects the view at Charles's court: the first entry in Laud's diary that mentioned ‘the Tumults in Scotland, about the Service-Book’ was dated 29 Apr. 1638 (Wharton, History, 55). The ‘Barons' Wars’ took place in 1264–7.
18. PRO SP 16/527/103–7, draft proposal for the British Union of Arms (1627). Sir James Balfour, who had access to the relevant Scottish State Papers now lost, explicitly linked the Union of Arms scheme with the Revocation (Haig, Historical Works, II, 126). Quotations from ibid., 128, 134. Dickinson and Donaldson, Sourcebook, III, 67–77, publish various versions of the Revocation. Kishlansky, ‘Charles I’, 71, claims that the Revocation was promulgated by Parliament, not by Prerogative, but this is misleading: it did not receive Parliamentary approval until 1633.
19. Charles I, A Large Declaration, 16; Rushworth, Historical Collections, II, 321, prints Charles's proclamation ordering Archbishops Laud and Spottiswoode to prepare a liturgy for Scotland, 19 Apr. 1636.
20. Rushworth, Historical Collections, II, 470–1 (on Archie); Dickinson and Donaldson, Sourcebook, III, 88–9 (the Canons); Donaldson, The making, 100 (the Proclamation authorizing the Prayer Book); Charles I, A large Declaration, 18 (confirming that he had issued it by his own authority); RPCS, 2nd ser., VI, 448, Act of 13 June 1637 (placing non-compliers ‘under pain of rebellion’).
21. RPCS, 2nd ser., VI, 431–2, 438–9, 442–5, 454–6 (plague and scarcity of food) and 465 (coinage), 3, 8, 10 and 17 June 1637; Laing, Correspondence, I, 93–8, Lothian to his father, the earl of Ancram, 19 Oct. 1637 OS, a letter full of complaints about the economic disasters caused by bad weather. For confirmation from the ‘natural archive’, see Baker, ‘Northwest Scotland stalagmite and climate reconstruction data’.
22. Rothes, Relation, 197 (use of proofs as wrapping paper); Braddick, God's fury, 3, quoting Montrose. Bennett, The Civil Wars, 3, named both the ministers and ‘matrons’ who met in April 1637.
23. Charles I, A Large Declaration, 23; Bennett, The Civil Wars, 3, quoting the earl of Wemyss and Bishop Guthrie.
24. RPCS, 2nd ser., VI, 509–13, entries for 4, 5 and 9 Aug. 1637; Rothes, Relation, 2–5.
25. Dickinson and Donaldson, Sourcebook, III, 95–104, print the Covenant, including the Oath and Subscription.
26. Paul, Diary, I, 327–31, Mar
./Apr. 1638.
27. Ibid., I, 306–7 (22 Jan. 1638), 322 (27 Feb.) and 347 (4 May).
28. Russell, Fall, 56, Hamilton to Charles, June 1638; Burnet, The memoires, 55–6, Charles to Hamilton, 11 June 1638; Russell, Fall, 56–7, same to same, 26 June 1638.
29. Baker, ‘Northwest Scotland stalagmite and climate reconstruction data’; CSPV, XXIV, 1636–1639, 430, Francesco Zonca to Venice, London, 2 July 1638 NS (cyphered in the original).
30. Burnet, The memoires, 60–1, Charles to Hamilton, 25 June 1638; Hardwicke, Miscellaneous State Papers, II, 118, Hamilton to Charles I, Glasgow, 27 Nov. 1638.
31. Paul, Diary, I, 348 (19 May 1638: studying Althusius all week), 390 (20 Sep. 1638: discussion with Henderson and David Calderwood about armed resistance). See also ch. 18 below.
32. New College, Oxford, Ms 9502, Diary of Robert Woodford of Northampton, n.p., entry for 6 Apr. 1639 (‘ten weeks' drought’); Wharton, History, 56–7, Laud's diary entries for 14 Jan. and 27 Dec. 1639; Aston, ‘The Journal’, (rain on 27 April, as the royal army travelled from York to Northallerton); Bruce, Letters and papers, 238, Sir Edmund Verney to Ralph Verney, Newcastle, 19 May 1639.
33. Bruce, Letters, 228, Sir Edmund Verney to his son Ralph, 1 May 1639; Aston, ‘The Journal’, 12, 14 (June 1639). Others considered the eclipse ominous: [Voetius], Brittish lightning, sig. A3.
34. Mormiche, Devenir prince, 281, quoting La Mothe le Vayer, De l'instruction de Monsieur le Dauphin (1640); Aston, ‘The Journal’, 28; Paul, Diary, 58–62.
35. Paul, Diary, 85 and 87–8 (entries for 15 and 17 June 1639); Adamson, ‘England’, 100.
36. Russell, Fall, 67 n. 135, Hamilton to Charles I, 8 July 1639.
37. Clarke, ‘Ireland’, 93.
38. Wharton, History, 57, Laud's diary entry for 5 Dec. 1639.
39. Adamson, The noble revolt, 23 and 17, quoting the king's speech on 5 May 1640. Adamson admits that the king might have decided on a ‘surprise’ dissolution simply to avoid a repeat of the chaotic end of the last Parliament, in 1629, when MPs held down the Speaker and continued to debate forbidden matters; but this time the parliamentary leaders had approved an immediate grant of £600,000 in return for the abolition of Ship Money. Why would Charles have walked away from that deal except through fear of something that threatened his whole policy, such as a motion calling for ‘reconciliation’?
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