31. Hugon, Naples, 153–6 (quotation from the chronicle of Tutino, one of the clerical fugitives). For more on Filomarino's ambiguous role, see chs 14 and 18 above.
32. Examples in Faroqhi, Coping with the state, 43–58; McGowan, ‘Ottoman’, 480–2; and Barkey, ‘Rebellious alliances’, 706 (who notes that Sufi convents rather than mosques normally served as the centre of social life). Cairo information kindly supplied by Jane Hathaway.
33. Wakeman, Great Enterprise, I, 627, describing events in Wujiang, near Lake Tai. Once again I thank Cynthia Brokaw for helping me to assess the Chinese data.
34. See Terzioglu, ‘Sufi and dissident’, 192, on Muslim ‘holy fools’ and ch. 7 above on Shabbatai Zvi.
35. On Avraamii, see Crummey, ‘The origins’; on ‘Manuelinho’ the Fool, see Viñas Navarro, ‘El motín’, 339; on Archibald Armstrong, see page 333 above, Rushworth, Historical Collections, II, 470–1; and Rothes, Relation, 115, 208–9. Shannon, ‘“Uncouth language”’, discusses the career of Archie, who outlived most other protagonists, dying in 1672.
36. For more examples of seditious posters, see Lorenzo Cadarso, Los conflictos, 75; and Lario, El comte-duc d'Olivares, 173. Walter, Understanding popular violence, 340–7, and ‘Public transcripts’, analyzes the various ‘stages’ of popular revolt in Stuart England before recourse to violence. Briggs, Communities of belief, 175–6, comments that revolts stood a better chance of success when they remained isolated and low-key: ‘sufficient to drive away tax collectors without threatening any wider disruption’. See also the excellent analysis of ‘norms and values’ in early modern European revolts in Blickle, Resistance, 155–214.
37. Walter, Understanding popular violence, 36–9, quoting Bruno Rives, Mercurius Rusticus, Lady Rivers (the victim), and testimony from 1648 (see also a map of places attacked Aug.–Dec 1642 at pp. 34–5); Gentles, The English Revolution, 88, quoting a French envoy.
38. Simon i Tarrés, Cròniques, 269, account of Judge Ramon de Rubí, who only escaped by disguising himself as a Jesuit, shaving his beard and the crown of his head (ibid., 274).
39. TCD Ms 837/117, deposition of Captain Thomas Clarke, 12 May 1653; Ms 838/81, petition of Joan Todd, widow of John Hilhouse. Aidan Clarke estimates that more than half of Ulster depositions reported killings (personal communication, Sep. 2005).
40. Beik, ‘The violence’, 77 and 87.
41. Riches, The anthropology of violence, 25; Bercé, Histoire des Croquants, II, 582–3; Villari, Revolt, ch 2.
42. On Portugal, see Schaub, Le Portugal, 31–5, and Pérez Samper, Catalunya, 243; on Istanbul, see Brennan, Bargrave, 82; on Naples, see ch. 14 above, and Hugon, Naples, 303–8. For a similar etiquette at Évora in 1637, see ch. 9 above.
43. Wakeman and Grant, Conflict and control, 10 and 57, record ritual protests staged at temples. Other details from Parsons, The peasant rebellions, 4–5 and 187–8; Tsing Yuan, ‘Urban riots’; Parsons, ‘Attitudes’, 179–80 and 185; Wakeman, Great Enterprise, 627; and Tong, Disorder, 162–3. Although the mass humiliation and slaughter of Ming clansmen in 1643–4 by Li Zicheng seems an exception, one might argue that (although numerous) they too formed a single category singled out for punishment.
44. Walter, ‘“Abolishing superstition”, 90–2; TCD Ms. 835/170, deposition of Edward Slacke, Co. Fermanagh, 4 Jan. 1642; Hickson, Ireland, I, 193–4, deposition of Rev. John Kerdiff, Co. Tyrone, 28 Feb. 1642; and TCD Ms 836/64, deposition of John Parrie, gentleman, Armagh, 31 May 1642.
45. Bercé, Histoire des Croquants, II, 647–8. In addition, ‘in the epidemic of uprisings in 1637, 1643 and 1648’ the villages along the Breton–Poitevin border were ‘the first to rebel and the last to be pacified’ (ibid., 648). Peasants from the same villages would also lead the Vendée uprising in 1793: Bercé, Révoltes, 161.
46. Bercé, Histoire des Croquants, II, 650–1: it belonged to the dukes of Bouillon. Once again, Bercé notes the survival of traditions: in the 1950s the anti-tax ‘Poujade movement’ scored its first successes in the areas that once belonged to the vicomté of Turenne (ibid., 652).
47. Hoffman, ‘Zur Geschichte’ (revolts in 1511–14, 1525, 1560, 1570 and 1595–7); Stoyle, ‘“Pagans” or “paragons”’, 323 (the revolt of 1497 began in St Keverne's as did plans for another in 1537); Hill, The world, 110–13 (on Kingston). Clifton, The last popular rebellion, 48–56, notes a tradition of insurgency in Taunton and other parts of Somerset, culminating in their participation in Monmouth's rebellion in 1685.
48. Price, Maroon societies; Beckles, ‘From land to sea’. I thank Carla Pestana for these references, and for discussing ‘marronage’ with me.
49. Wakeman, Great Enterprise, 430 n. 41 and 702, records bandit gangs in Liangshanbo in 1640–1 and 1647, until defeated by Qing troops. For more about Water Margin, see ch. 18 above.
50. Wilson, ‘“A thousand countries to go to”’, 84. See a similar example in Wood, ‘Subordination’, 69.
51. Pillorget, Les mouvements, 406–10; Bercé, Histoire des Croquants, II, 564–5; Nicolas, La rébellion, 224–6; Di Marzo, Diari, III, 99, Diario of Auria, 20 June 1647.
52. See further details in ch. 14 above. English men and women commemorated several revolutionary anniversaries: 30 January (the regicide/martyrdom of Charles I), 3 September (Cromwell's victories at Dunbar and Worcester), 23 October (the Ulster Massacres), and 5 November (the Gunpowder Plot and later the landing of William of Orange) – but none triggered subsequent insurgency.
53. Failure to pay wages in full always ran the risk of provoking mutiny, as did failure to pay a bonus to the garrison of Istanbul upon the accession of a new sultan or (in provincial capitals) a new governor. On the events in Dublin and Paris, see chs 11 and 10 above.
54. Lebrun, Les hommes, 290, on the voracious wolves of Anjou; Nicolas, La rébellion, 412–13, on French arms.
55. Khan, ‘Muskets in the mawas’, 93, quoting Mundy, Travels, and Manucci, Storia do Mogor.
56. Morrill, Revolt in the provinces, 132–51, with afterthoughts at pp. 200–4; quotation from p. 144; Shy, A people numerous and armed, vii.
57. Bercé. Histoire des Croquants, I, 421–2, on the Croquants' military discipline. Their savagery of course reflected no more than the prevailing Laws of War. Bercé, Révoltes, ch. 3, discusses ‘les meneurs’, including veterans.
58. BNF Fonds français 18,937/233–40, ‘Relation de la révolte de la Basse Normandie’ provides details on the organization of the ‘Nu-Pieds’ and identifies their leaders. See also ch. 10 above.
59. Hugon, Naples, 196–204 (quoting Bissacioni, Historia). Further details in ch. 9 (Spain), 11–12 (Scotland and Ireland), 14 (Naples) and 15 (America) above.
60. See ch. 5 above. Parsons, Peasant rebellions, 228–37, notes that Zhang Xianzhong also began to attract former officers, which enabled him to conduct successful sieges in Sichuan.
61. Geerts, ‘The Arima rebellion’, 96–8, Koeckebacker to Anthonio van Diemen, 25 Mar. 1638 (I have made my own translation from the Dutch original); Blair and Robertson, Philippine islands, XXIX, 220, report of Juan López, S.J.; Dardess, Blood and history, 133, and Parsons, Peasant rebellions, 251, both note red flags among rebel bands. Elliott, Empires, 146, mentions the insignia in Mexico and Boston.
62. Graniti, Diario, II, 67; Anon., The red-ribbon'd news, 5; Kötting, Die Ormée, 111; pp. 322–3 above (on the ‘bonnets rouges’). Rodger, Safeguard of the sea, 132, noted that from the thirteenth century ‘among seamen everywhere’ red flags ‘signify war to the death’. Not all rebel flags were red: in Austria, the peasants led by Martin Laimbauer in 1636 deployed banners of white linen bearing slogans (Wilflingseder, ‘Martin Laimbauer’, 206–7); the Périgord ‘Croquants’ in 1637 marched under a blue and white banner, the colours of the Virgin Mary, whom their leader claimed had blessed the enterprise (Bercé, Histoire des Croquants, I, 423); the banner of the Republic of Naples, first unfurled in Oct. 1647, had the Virgin and San Gennaro on one side, and the fleur-de-lys of France on the o
ther (Hugon, Naples, 152).
63. Maier and Waugh, ‘“The blowing of the Messiah's trumpet”’, 146–7, on images of Shabbatai and Nathan. Knoppers, Constructing Cromwell, on Oliver; Hugon, Naples, 309–13, 328–57, discusses and reproduces many images of Masaniello. In addition, Palermo, Narrazioni, 353, Medici to Grand Duke 20 Aug. 1647, mentions two wax busts of Masaniello, done from life and made for Viceroy Arcos to send to Spain; Blok, Nikolaus Heinsius, 29–31, mentions the epigrams; Mastellone, ‘Les révoltes’, 167, mentions Spinoza's portrait as Masaniello; D'Alessio, Contagi, ch. 6, discusses early travel literature that mentioned Masaniello. Heilingsetzer, Der oberösterrichische Bauernkrieg, 36–7, records a contemporary likeness of Stephen Fadinger, leader of the Austrian revolt of 1626; and the Catalans circulated images of Pau Claris in 1640–1.
64. Hugon, Naples, 125–31, lists and discusses the 30 slogans recorded by two chroniclers and some revolutionary songs. Note also the Knittelvers, rhymed pairs of more or less regular iambic tetrameter lines, used for German broadsheets (ch. 8 above).
65. Cressy, England on edge, 337–8, prints the whole song (the verse on universities appears in ch. 18 below), and discusses others at pp. 330–46. Brome, Rump, was his third collection of Civil War songs.
66. See Heilingsetzer, Der oberösterreichische Bauernkrieg, 35–7; Wilflingseder, ‘Martin Laimbauer’, 206–7; Hrushevsky, History, VIII, 450–1; Suter, Der schweizerische Bauernkrieg, 64.
67. See Simon i Tarrés, Orígens, 212–13, on Els Segadors. Neumann, Das Wort, 214–18, and Lucas Val, ‘Literatura i historia’, discuss the songs, poems and plays of the Catalan revolt.
68. Valerius, Neder-Landtsche Gedenck-Clanck, 235–6. Nevertheless, songs never assumed the same importance in the 1640s as they did during the French Revolution: see Weber, My France, 92–102, ‘Who sang the Marseillaise’.
69. Lorandi, Spanish king of the Incas, 23, quoting Bishop Juan de Vera of Cuzco in 1635; Valladares, Epistolario, 139, Olivares to Basto, 26 Nov. 163 (similar sentiments in his letter of 18 Dec. 1637: ibid., 157); Paul, Diary, 87–8, Johnston of Wariston's report of what he overheard Hamilton tell King Charles on 17 June 1639.
70. Bacon, Essays (1625), ‘Of seditions and troubles’; Walter, Understanding popular violence, 259 (speech of John Pym on 25 or 26 Jan. 1642 OS). See also similar Spanish comments in chs 3 and 9 above.
71. Wood, ‘Fear’, 814; Hill, World turned upside down, 108, quoting The mournfull cries (and several other similar statements from 1648–9); Bercé, ‘Troubles frumentaires’, 772, report on the rioting at Fermo; Bercé, Histoire des Croquants, II, 546, account of the Bordeaux riots in Aug. 1648.
72. Huang, Taxation, 145–7; Cueto, Quimeras y sueños, 80–1, Philip IV's Instructions to his ‘junta de conciencia’. Of course, the king's concern in 1641 might merely reflect fear that the revolts of Catalonia and Portugal could spread.
73. Spence, Woman Wang, 13; Darling, Revenue-raising and legitimacy, 248–67, provides a detailed analysis of a register of petitions to one treasury department, containing some 625 petitions received between 1634 and 1643: it rejected only two or three. See other examples in Faroqui, ‘Political activity’, especially pp. 31–2; and Barkey, ‘Rebellious alliances’, 706.
74. Mackay, Limits, ch. 4, provides some striking examples. For the role of petitions as a ‘weapon of the weak’ in early modern England, see Walter, ‘Public transcripts’, 137–43.
75. Lorenzo Cadarso, Los conflictos, 178–9. The nine included Aldeanueva de Ebro.
76. Ibid., 109, 179–80 and 192. Lope published Fuenteovejuna in 1619. Olivari, Entre el trono, 125–6, discusses its immediate popularity in Spain.
77. Bercé, Histoire des Croquants, II, 597–9 (Bayonne in June 1641). Two years later, the government revoked an unpopular property tax on the grounds that ‘the costs and exactions arising from the collection of the said tax exceeded three- or fourfold the amount received by His Majesty’ (loc. cit). For other ‘strategic retreats’ see ibid., 680 and Pillorget, Mouvements, 566 (both from France) and during Spain's ‘Green Banner’ revolts (ch. 9).
78. Robert von Friedeburg reminds me that resisting the power of the state is always a high-risk strategy: where early modern governments branded many of their opponents traitors, and reacted accordingly, their modern descendants brand many of their opponents ‘terrorists’, and react accordingly.
79. Blair and Robertson, Philippines, XXIX, 221–5, account of Juan López, S.J., on the brutal repression of the 1639 ‘sangley’ revolt; and Spence, Emperor of China, 31–7 and ch. 3 above on the savagery of the Chinese Law Code.
80. RAS Muscovitica 602, n.p., Adolph Ebbers to Charles XI of Sweden, Moscow, 21 Aug. 1662; and Gordon, Diary, II, 159–62. In RAS Livonica II, vol. 176, n.p., Ebbers to Governor General Helmfelt, 26 Sep. 1662, noted that ‘the boys whom I wrote about before, who were to have one ear cut off, have been pardoned; they will keep their ears but will receive a brand mark like the other [rioters]’. See also ch. 6 above on the brutal repression of the revolt led by Stenka Razin.
81. Price, Memoirs of the Emperor Jahangueir, 225–6.
82. Foisil, La révolte, 310–35; Bercé, ‘L'émeute’, 759–89.
83. Goldie, The entring book of Roger Morrice, III, 27–8 (Monmouth also ‘said he could have had 20,000 or 30,000 men more, but he had no arms for them’); Clifton, The last popular rebellion, 231–41.
84. Hugon, Naples, 238–9, quoting Don Juan on 21 Feb. 1648, and Philip IV and Oñate after the surrender on 6 April; 243–56 and 263–6. Oñate nevertheless made some important concessions in order to preserve Spanish control: see ch. 14 above.
85. AHN Estado libro 961/56–59v, Olivares ‘Relación’ prepared for the duke of Bragança, Nov. 1637 (the same phrase appears in Viñas Navarro, ‘El motín’, 38, Philip IV to Duchess Margaret of Mantua, [undated]); AMAE (P) CPE Supplément 3/189–91, ‘Première négociation des François en Cathalogne’ by Bernard Duplessis-Besançon.
86. Chéruel, Lettres, III, 1,061, Mazarin to Ambassador Chanut in Stockholm, early Sep. 1648; Bercé, ‘Troubles frumentaires’, 789, Giuseppe Caetano, governor of Perugia, to Cardinal Panzirolo, 14 July 1648.
Chapter 18 ‘People who hope only for a change’
1. The title reprises the typology of rebellions proposed by Lü Kun of China: page 508 above.
2. Mandrou, ‘Vingt ans après’, 36, Fouquet to Chancellor Séguier, 1644; Argyll, Instructions, 8, written in 1661.
3. Briggs, ‘Richelieu and reform’, 72, Richelieu paper of 1624; Elliott and La Peña, Memoriales y cartas, I, 55, 62, the ‘Gran Memorial’ of 1624. See also the cardinal's view of the nobility in his Testament politique, 218–23. Villari, Baroque personae, ch. 5, presents an excellent synopsis of the motives of seventeenth-century European rebels.
4. AGS GA 1331, n.p., consulta of the Junta de Ejecución, 7 Dec. 1640 (see Plate 12 above).
5. Such broad figures are misleading because of the striking inconsistencies within states. Thus in Spain, the average of 10 per cent conceals the fact that only 1 per cent in the province of Córdoba was noble, whereas all families in the northern provinces of Vizcaya and Guipúzcoa claimed nobility. In Poland, Mazovia boasted some villages composed entirely of nobles, whereas the region around Kraków had only 2 per cent. Moreover, as Hamish Scott reminds us: ‘As more detailed research is undertaken on the demography of the nobility, employing fiscal and other records, previous estimates are having to be revised downwards’: Scott, The European nobilities, I, 21.
6. See the luminous pages of Jouanna, Devoir, 268–70.
7. Jago, ‘The influence of debt’, 227–36, explains the system, the equivalent of ‘Chapter XI bankruptcy protection’.
8. Lorenzo Cadarso, Los conflictos, 72–3. Other examples from ch. 9.
9. Duccini, Faire voir, 53; Carrier, La presse de la Fronde, I, 104–45 (on Condé).
10. Bercé, Histoire des Croquants, II, 557 (Bouillon). Idem, I, 413 and II, 570–1 and 574–5, cite other examples
of noble participants in popular revolts. Corvisier, ‘Clientèles et fidélités’, describes some networks of clients.
11. Bercé, Histoire des Croquants, II, 737, anonymous relation of the Croquants of Angoumois and Saintonge, 1636 (noting the brutal murder of some officials from Paris). See ch. 9 above for the murder of anyone suspected of coming from Castile during the Catalan revolt of 1640.
12. Soares da Cunha, A casa de Bragança, 15–16 and 554–5, and ch. 9 above, on the duke's ‘conservatism’.
13. Ohlmeyer, Civil War, 283, quoting Lord Clanricard in 1651 and Sir Lewis Dyve in 1650, with other similar examples on pp. 283–8.
14. I thank Cynthia Brokaw, Kenneth Pomeranz and Evelyn Rawski for help with the Chinese sources on this topic.
15. Ho, The ladder, 73, quoting Wang Daokun, Taihan ji (1591). See also p. 511 on Wang.
16. Details from Hucker, Two studies, 41–83; and Wakeman, Great Enterprise, 109–10.
17. Brook, Confusions of pleasure, 1–4, quoting the Shexian zhi [She County Gazetteer] of 1609 compiled by Zhang Tao.
18. Agnew, ‘Culture and power’, 47, complaint of Wang Shiying (himself a shengyuan) to the Kong dukes, who boasted enormous prestige and ruled vast lands thanks to their status as direct descendants of Confucius. Wang's experience helps to explain why landowners like the dukes of Kong welcomed the Qing.
19. AUB Ms 2538/21–2 and 37v, Fraser, ‘Triennial travels’. The author spent almost three weeks in Oxford and four in Cambridge, visiting every college.
20. AUB Ms 2538/21–2, Fraser, ‘Triennial travels’. Learning ‘French to argue’ seems an esoteric activity.
21. Kagan, Students, 85 and 182–5; Elliott, Count-duke, 15–18.
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