[35] Let there be one measure for wine throughout our kingdom, and one measure for ale, and one measure for corn, namely, “the London quarter”; and one width for cloths whether dyed, russet or halberget, namely, two ells within the selvedges. Let it be the same with weights as with measures.
[36] Nothing shall be given or taken in future for the writ of inquiry concerning life or limbs, but it shall be granted free of charge and not withheld.
[37] If anyone holds of us by fee farm, by socage, or by burgage, and holds land of another by knight service, we will not, by reason of that fee farm, socage, or burgage, have the wardship of his heir or of his land that is of the fief of the other; nor will we have wardship of the fee farm, socage, or burgage, unless such fee farm owes knight service. We will not have the wardship of anyone’s heir or land that he holds of another by knight service by reason of any petty sergeanty that he holds of us by the service of rendering to us knives or arrows or the like.
[38] No bailiff shall in future put anyone to trial upon his own unsupported testimony, without reliable witnesses brought for this purpose.
[39] No freeman shall be arrested or imprisoned or disseised or outlawed or exiled or in any way destroyed, neither will we set forth against him or send against him, except by the lawful judgment of his peers and [vel] by the law of the land.
[40] To no one will we sell, to no one will we refuse or delay right or justice.
[41] All merchants shall have safe and secure exit from and entry into England, and dwelling and travel in England as well by land as by water, for buying and selling by the ancient and right customs, free of all evil tolls, except in time of war and if they are of the land that is at war with us. And if such are found in our lands at the beginning of a war, they shall be taken and kept in custody [attachientur], without injury to their persons or goods, until we, or our chief justiciar, know how merchants of our land are treated who were found in the land at war with us when war broke out [tunc], and if ours are safe there, the others shall be safe in our land.
[42] Without prejudicing the allegiance due to us, it shall be lawful in future for anyone to leave our kingdom and return safely and securely by land and water, save, in the public interest, for a short period in time of war—except for those imprisoned or outlawed in accordance with the law of the kingdom and natives of a land that is at war with us and merchants (who shall be treated as aforesaid).
[43] If anyone who holds of some escheat such as the honor of Wallingford, Nottingham, Boulogne, Lancaster, or of other escheats that are in our hands and the baronies dies, his heir shall give no other relief and do no other service to us than he would have done to the baron, if that barony had been in the baron’s hands; and we will hold it in the same manner in which the baron held it.
[44] Men who live outside the forest need not henceforth come before our justices of the forest upon a general summons, unless they are impleaded or are sureties for any person or persons who are attached for forest offenses.
[45] We will not make justices, constables, sheriffs, or bailiffs save of such as know the law of the kingdom and mean to observe it well.
[46] All barons who have founded abbeys, in respect of which they have charters of the kings of England or of which they have had long tenure, shall have custody of them in a vacancy, as they ought to have.
[47] All forests that have been made forest in our time shall be immediately disafforested; and so be it done with riverbanks that have been made preserves by us in our time.
[48] All evil customs connected with forests and warrens, foresters and warreners, sheriffs and their officials, river-banks and their wardens shall immediately be inquired into in each county by twelve sworn knights of the same county who are to be chosen by good men of the same county, and with forty days of the completion of the inquiry shall be utterly abolished so as never to be restored, provided that we, or our justiciar if we are not in England, have previous intimation thereof.
[49] We will immediately return all hostages and charters given to us by Englishmen, as security for peace or faithful service.
[50] We will entirely remove from their bailiwicks the relations of Gerard d’Athe so that in future they shall have no bailiwick in England, namely, Engelard de Cigogn, Peter and Guy and Andrew de Chanceaux, Guy de Cigogn, Geoffrey de Martigny and his brothers, Philip Marc and his brothers and his nephew Geoffrey, and all their following.
[51] As soon as peace is restored, we will remove from the kingdom all foreign knights, crossbowmen, sergeants, and mercenaries who have come with horses and arms to the detriment of the kingdom.
[52] If anyone has been dispossessed or removed by us without the legal judgment of his peers from his lands, castles, franchises or his right, we will immediately restore them to him; and if a dispute arises over this, then let it be decided by the judgment of the twenty-five barons who are mentioned below in the clause [61] for securing the peace: for all the things, however, from which anyone has been dispossessed or removed without the lawful judgment of his peers by King Henry, our father, or by King Richard, our brother, which we have in our hand or are held by others, to whom we are bound to warrant them, we will have the usual period of respite of crusaders, excepting those things about which a plea was started or an inquest made by our command before we took the cross; when, however, we return from our pilgrimage, or if by any chance we do not go on it, we will at once do full justice therein.
[53] We will have the same respite, and in the same manner, in the doing of justice in the matter of the deafforestation or retention of the forests that Henry, our father, or Richard, our brother, afforested [cf. clause 47], and in the matter of the wardship of lands that are of the fief of another, wardships of which sort we have hitherto had by reason of a fief that anyone held of us by knight service [cf. clause 37], and in the matter of abbeys founded on the fief of another, not on a fief of our own, in which the lord of the fief claims he has a right [cf. clause 46]; and when we have returned, or if we do not set out on our pilgrimage, we will at once do full justice to all who complain of these things.
[54] No one shall be arrested or imprisoned upon the appeal of a woman, for the death of anyone except her husband.
[55] All fines made with us unjustly and against the law of the land, and all amercements imposed unjustly and against the law of the land, shall be entirely remitted, or else let them be settled by the judgment of the twenty-five barons who are mentioned below in the clause [61] for securing the peace, or by the judgment of the majority of the same, along with the aforesaid Stephen, archbishop of Canterbury, if he can be present, and such others as he may wish to association with himself for this purpose, and if he cannot be present the business shall nevertheless proceed without him, provided that if any one or more of the aforesaid twenty-five barons are in a like suite, they shall be removed from the judgment of the case in question, and others chosen, sworn, and put in their place by the rest of the same twenty-five for this case only.
[56] If we have dispossessed or removed Welshmen from lands or liberties or other things without the legal judgment of their peers in England or in Wales, they shall be immediately restored to them; and if a dispute arises over this, then let it be decided in the March by the judgment of their peers—for holdings in England according to the law of England, for holdings in Wales according to the law of Wales, and for holdings in the March according to the law of the March. Welshmen shall do the same to us and ours.
[57] For all the things, however, from which any Welshman has been dispossessed or removed without the lawful judgment of his peers by King Henry, our father, or Richard, our brother, which we have in our hand or which are held by others, to whom we are bound to warrant them, we will have the usual period of respite of crusaders, excepting those things about which a plea was started or an inquest made by our command before we took the cross; when, however, we return, or if by chance we do not set out on our pilgrimage, we will at once do full justice in accordance
with the laws of the Welsh and the foresaid regions.
[58] We will give up at once the son of Llywelyn and all the hostages from Wales and the charters that were handed over to us as security for peace.
[59] We will act towards Alexander, king of the Scots, concerning the return of his sisters and hostages and concerning his franchises and his right in the same manner in which we act toward our other barons of England, unless it turns out to be otherwise according to the charters that we have from William, his father, formerly king of the Scots, and this shall be according to the judgment of his peers in our court.
[60] Moreover, all these aforesaid customs and liberties that we have granted shall be observed in our kingdom as far as it pertains to us toward our men, all of our kingdom, clerks as well as laymen, shall observe as far as it pertains to them toward their men.
[61] Since, moreover, for God and the amendment of our kingdom and for the better allaying of the discord that has arisen between us and our barons we have granted all these things aforesaid, wishing them to enjoy the use of them unimpaired and unshaken forever, we give and grant them the underwritten security, namely, that the barons shall choose any twenty-five barons of the kingdom they wish, who must with all their might observe, hold, and cause to be observed the peace and liberties that we have granted and confirmed to them by this present charter of ours, so that if we, or our justiciar, or our bailiffs, or anyone of our servants offend in any way against anyone or transgress any of the articles of the peace or the security and the offense be notified to four of the aforesaid twenty-five barons, those four barons shall come to us, or to our justiciar if we are out of the kingdom, and, laying the transgression before us, shall petition us to have that transgression corrected without delay. And if we do not correct the transgression, or if we are out of the kingdom, if our justiciar does not correct it, within forty days, reckoning from the time it was brought to our notice or to that of our justiciar if we were out of the kingdom, the aforesaid four barons shall refer that case to the rest of the twenty-five barons, and those twenty-five barons together with the community of the whole land shall distrain and distress us in every way they can, namely, by seizing castles, lands, possessions, and in such other ways as they can, saving our person and the persons of our queen and our children, until, in their opinion, amends have been made; and when amends have been made, they shall obey us as they did before. And let anyone in the country who wishes to do so take an oath to obey the orders of the said twenty-five barons for the execution of all the aforesaid matters, and with them to distress us as much as he can, and we publicly and freely give anyone leave to take the oath who wishes to take it, and we will never prohibit anyone from taking it. Indeed, all those in the land who are unwilling of themselves and of their own accord to take an oath to the twenty-five barons to help them to distrain and distress us, we will make them take the oath as aforesaid at our command. And if any of the twenty-five barons shall choose as they think fit another one in his place, he shall take the oath like the rest. In all matters the execution of which is committed to these twenty-five barons, if it should happen that these twenty-five are present yet disagree among themselves about anything, or if some of those summoned will not or cannot be present, that shall be held as fixed and established which the majority of those present ordained or commanded, exactly as if all the twenty-five had consented to it; and the said twenty-five shall swear that they will faithfully observe all the things aforesaid and will do all they can to get them observed. And we will procure nothing from anyone, either personally or through anyone else, whereby any of these concessions and liberties might be revoked or diminished; and if any such thing be procured, let it be void and null, and we will never use it either personally or through another. And we have fully remitted and pardoned to everyone all the ill-will, anger, and rancor that have arisen between us and our men, clergy and laity, from the time of the quarrel. Furthermore, we have fully remitted to all, clergy and laity, and as far as pertains to us have completely forgiven all trespasses occasioned by the same quarrel between Easter in the sixteenth year of our reign and the restoration of peace. And, besides, we have caused to be made for them letters testimonial patent of the lord Stephen, archbishop of Canterbury, of the lord Henry, archbishop of Dublin, and of the aforementioned bishops and of Master Pandulf about this security and the aforementioned concessions. Wherefore we wish and firmly enjoin that the English church shall be free, and that the men in our kingdom shall have and hold all the aforesaid liberties, rights, and concessions well and peacefully, freely and quietly, fully and completely for themselves and their heirs from us and our heirs, in all matters and in all places forever, as is aforesaid. An oath, moreover, has been taken, as well as on our part as on the part of the barons, that all these things aforesaid shall be observed in good faith and without evil disposition. Witness the above mentioned and many others. Given by our hand in the meadow that is called Runnymede between Windsor and Staines on the fifteenth day of June, in the seventeenth year of our reign.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
To my agent, Julia Lord, and her office (Riley Kellogg, and Adam, specifically). Julia and her staff are dedicated readers with excellent critical eyes and honesty. Add to that that they believe in fiction in this bleak, nonreading world, and you have a perfect office.
To my new editor, Allison McCabe, who has been receptive to my requests during the transformation of manuscript into books.
They say that writers write from their own experience. Perhaps. In my case, it was just the opposite: Alix lost her baby son at the same time that I lost my own Theo. Thus, the dedication. My son was not a prince of any realm and he was not murdered (unless you consider a brain tumor murderous), but he had the sweet imperious manner I’ve used in my fiction.
To my secretary, Barbara Nelson, who has faithfully typed two long historical tomes for me. The Prince of Poison was recorded under difficult circumstances as I sent pages from Illinois to California, but Barbara ignored gaffs and repetitions to do her job. The book couldn’t have been written without her.
To my remaining son, Bruce Coy, who cared for his brother. Bruce, a first-rate historian, read the manuscript for errors.
To my late husband, Charles Kaufman, novelist and screenwriter, whose advice and criticism still reverberate in my mind.
A READER’S GROUP GUIDE
The PRINCE of POISON
A Novel
PAMELA KAUFMAN
About This Guide
For decades, Pamela Kaufman has entertained a loyal readership with the mesmerizing and often hilarious adventures of Alix of Wanthwaite, madcap medieval beauty. In Shield of Three Lions, the unflappable Alix braved the crusades dressed as a man to spar with the king of England over her birthright. Banners of Gold saw her taken hostage, drawn into a web of international politics, and entangled in the heartstrings of three different men. Now, The Prince of Poison finds Alix homeward bound at last, with a half-royal child in tow and an angry monarch on her trail.
Set amidst the pomp and savagery of twelfth-century Europe, the Alix of Wanthwaite trilogy renders a glorious mishmash of ruffians, peasants, troubadours, murderers, pretenders, barons, princesses, and popes in charming and disarming detail. Alix’s bawdy, free-wheeling narration wickedly lampoons historical notables like Richard the Lion Heart and Eleanor of Aquitaine, spinning the historical novel in a fresh direction. This guide is designed to enhance your group’s discussion of Alix’s escapades in The Prince of Poison.
Questions for Discussion
1. Much of the action in the novel occurs at the intersection of humor and violence. The attempted rape in the novel’s opening pages is dotted with puns, for example, and the horror of the shipwreck on page 85 is mitigated by the comedy of Alix resuscitating ducks. How does this affect your reading of the many tragedies in the novel, from Bok’s decapitation to the murder of the pregnant woman at the gates of La Rochelle to the rape of various barons’ wives and daughters? What point i
s the author making with this juxtaposition?
2. Of her infant son, Alix states, “I was deliriously happy to be loved without ulterior motive” (page 42). What ulterior motives drive Enoch, Bonel, and John in loving (or thinking they love) her?
3. Who leaks the news of Alix’s presence in Rouen? Why does Queen Eleanor have a vested interest in helping Alix and Theo escape? Given their complex history, why does Alix trust Eleanor this time?
4. What is the symbolic significance of the poison frog that Alix nearly strokes on her way home to Wanthwaite? Why does the image recur when Alix arrives in King’s Lynn? Why does Alix initially pretend to lose the little girl’s frog rather than tell her the truth about its dangers? What does this tragic scene on the beach signify?
5. How does Lord Robert convince the Pope that the assassination attempt on John was not only innocent and thus pardonable, but in fact laudable?
6. What does Cardinal Langton stand to gain by assisting the barons? What argument does he present against the writing of a charter? How does he sabotage the Magna Carta they so painstakingly compile?
7. Why has Bonel’s ardor cooled by his second night at Wanthwaite? Why does he refuse Alix’s offer of private acreage on Wanthwaite as a safe haven?
8. What bargaining chip does Alix gain over Queen Isabella? What weakness does it expose in John?
9. What does Bonel mean when he tells the assembly of barons: “I mean no disparagement when I say that we are all Jews together” (page 250). How does his comment affect Enoch?
About the Author
PAMELA KAUFMAN, PH.D., created the Communications Department at Santa Monica College. She is the author of The Book of Eleanor, as well as Shield of Three Lions and Banners of Gold, books one and two of the bestselling Alix of Wanthwaite trilogy. She lives in Los Angeles.
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