99. Sierakowiak, Diary, p. 54.
100. Zygmunt Klukowski, Diary from the Years of Occupation, 1939–44, ed. Andrew Klukowski and Helen Klukowski May (Urbana, IL. 1993), p. 40.
101. Ibid., p. 41.
102. Ibid., p. 42.
103. Sierakowiak, Diary, p. 67.
104. Rossino, Hitler Strikes Poland, particularly pp. 227ff.
105. For Blaskowitz’s memorandum, see Ernst Klee, Willi Dressen, and Volker Riess, eds., “The Good Old Days”: The Holocaust as Seen by Its Perpetrators and Bystanders (New York: 1991), pp. 4–5.
106. Quoted in Rossino, Hitler Strikes Poland, p. 120.
107. Quoted in Pätzold, Verfolgung, pp. 236ff.
108. Ibid., p. 239.
109. For the full text of Heydrich’s letter see Henry Friedlander and Sybil Milton, eds., Archives of the Holocaust: An International Collection of Selected Documents. vol. 11, part 1 (New York, 1992), pp. 132–33.
110. The most encompassing study remains Burleigh, Germany Turns Eastwards.
111. For the debate on Rothfels, see Joachim Lerchenmüller, “Die “SD-mässige” Bearbeitung der Geschichtswissenschaft,” in Nachrichtendienst, politische Elite, Mordeinheit: Der Sicherheitsdienst des Reichsführers SS, ed. Michael Wildt (Hamburg, 2003), pp. 162–63. Two major conferences on Rothfels, one in Berlin and the other in Munich, took place in July 2003. See, among other accounts, Rainer Blasius, “Bis in die Rolle gefärbt: Zwei Tagungen zum Einfluβ von Hans Rothfels auf die deutsche Zeitgeschichtsschreibung,” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, July 19, 2003. For more comprehensive assessments of Rothfels’s intellectual impact, see Jan Eckel, Hans Rothfels: Eine intellektuelle Biographie im 20. Jahrhundert (Göttingen, 2005); Johannes Hürter and Hans Woller, Hans Rothfels und die deutsche Zeitgeschichte (Munich, 2005).
112. Quoted in Götz Aly and Susanne Heim, Vordenker der Vernichtung: Auschwitz und die deutschen Pläne für eine neue europäische Ordnung (Hamburg, 1991), pp. 102–3. See also Ingo Haar, Historiker im Nationalsozialismus: Deutsche Geschichtswissenschaft und der “Volkstumskampf” im Osten (Göttingen, 2002); Peter Schöttler, ed., Geschichtsschreibung als Legitimationswissenschaft 1918–1945 (Frankfurt am Main, 1997); Winfried Schulze and Otto Gerhard Oexle, Deutsche Historiker im Nationalsozialismus (Frankfurt am Main, 1999).
113. For Schieder’s memorandum, as well as for the suggestions of the “Ostforscher” in the 1930s and after the beginning of the war, see Götz Aly, Macht-Geist-Wahn: Kontinuitäten deutschen Denkens (Berlin, 1997), pp. 153ff and particularly pp. 179ff.
114. Burleigh, Germany Turns Eastwards, p. 165.
115. Michael Burleigh, “Die Stunde der Experten,” in Mechtild Rössler, Sabine Schleiermacher, and Cordula Tollmien, eds., Der “Generalplan Ost”: Hauptlinien der nationalsozialistischen Planungs- und Vernichtungspolitik (Berlin, 1993), p. 347.
116. Ibid.
117. Ibid., p. 348.
118. Ibid. On the scholars and their ideological commitment, see also Michael Falhlbusch, Wissenschaft im Dienst nationalsozialistischer Politik: Die “Volksdeutscher Forschungsgemeinschaften” von 1931–1945 (Wiesbaden, 1999).
119. For a thorough study of the “Jewish policies” in East Upper Silesia see Sybille Steinbacher, “In the Shadow of Auschwitz: The Murder of the Jews of East Upper Silesia,” in The Holocaust, ed. David Cesarani (New York, 2004), vol. 2, pp. 110ff. See also Sybille Steinbacher, “Musterstadt” Auschwitz: Germanisierungspolitik und Judenmord in Ostoberschlesien (Munich, 2000) p. 138ff.
120. See mainly Gerhard Botz, Wohnungspolitik und Judendeportation in Wien 1938 bis 1945: Zur Funktion des Antisemitismus als Ersatz nationalsozialistischer Sozialpolitik (Vienna, 1975), p. 105. On this operation as such see Seev Goshen, “Eichmann und die Nisko-Aktion im Oktober 1939. Eine Fallstudie zur NS-Judenpolitik in der letzten Epoche vor der ‘Endlösung.’” Vierteljahrshefte fur Zeitgeschichte 29 (1981); see also Seev Goshen, “Nisko-Ein Ausnahmefall unter der Judenlagern der SS,” Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte 40 (1992); Hans Safrian, Die Eichmann-Männer (Vienna, 1992), pp. 76, 78ff.
121. Safrian, Die Eichmann-Männer, pp. 76, 78ff.
122. Quoted in Dieter Pohl, Von der “Judenpolitik” zum Judenmord: Der Distrikt Lublin des Generalgouvernements, 1939–1944 (Frankfurt am Main, 1993), p. 52.
123. Quoted in Tatiana Berenstein, ed., Faschismus, Getto, Massenmord: Dokumentation über Ausrottung und Widerstand der Juden in Polen während des zweiten Weltkrieges. (East Berlin, 1961), p. 46.
124. Raul Hilberg, The Destruction of the European Jews, vol. 1 (New Haven 2003), p. 208.
125. Hans Frank, Das Diensttagebuch des deutschen Generalgouverneurs in Polen 1939–1945, ed. Werner Präg and Wolfgang Jacobmeyer (Stuttgart, 1975), p. 165.
126. On the wrangling surrounding the expulsions from Kraków, see Christopher R. Browning and Jürgen Matthäus, The Origins of the Final Solution: The Evolution of Nazi Jewish policy, September 1939–March 1942 (Lincoln, Neb., 2004), pp. 131ff.
127. Ibid., pp. 135ff. In Radom and Lublin, the needs for billeting of Wehrmacht units in early 1941, in preparation for the attack against the Soviet Union, added pressure to the expulsion and ghettoization processes. See ibid.
128. For this evolution, with particular emphasis on Lublin, see Pohl, Judenpolitik, pp. 33ff.
129. For the Selbstschutz, see mainly Peter R. Black, “Rehearsal for ‘Reinhard’? Odilo Globocnik and the Lublin Selbstschutz,” Central European History 25, no. 2 (1992) pp. 204ff; see also Christian Jansen and Arno Weckbecker, Der “Volksdeutsche Selbstschutz” in Polen, 1939/40 (Munich, 1992).
130. Czerniaków, Warsaw Diary, p. 96.
131. Berenstein, ed., Faschismus, Getto, Massenmord, pp. 55 and 55n.
132. Aly, “Judenumsiedlung,” pp. 79–80.
133. For the specific German measures in Lodz, see in particular Florian Freund, Bertrand Perz, and Karl Stuhlpfarrer, “Das Ghetto in Litzmannstadt (Lodz),” in Unser einziger Weg ist Arbeit [Unzer eyntsiger veg iz arbayt], ed. Hanno Loewy and Gerhard Schoenberner (Vienna, 1990), p. 22.
134. Helma Kaden et al., eds., Dokumente des Verbrechens: Aus Akten des Dritten Reiches, 1933–1945, vol. 1 (Berlin, 1993), pp. 176–77.
135. Quoted in Aly and Heim, Vordenker der Vernichtung, p. 204.
136. See Isaiah Trunk, Judenrat: The Jewish Councils in Eastern Europe under Nazi Occupation (New York), pp. 11ff.
137. Aharon Weiss, “Jewish Leadership in Occupied Poland—Postures and Attitudes,” Yad Vashem Studies 12 (1977), p. 344. The same dual aspect could in fact be noted in the foundation and mainly in the evolution of the representation (then association) of the Jews of Germany (then in Germany).
138. Frank, Diensttagebuch, pp. 215ff.
139. More generally, tension and rivalry would soon develop throughout the General Government between Frank’s administration and the SS apparatus. See Pohl, Judenpolitik, pp. 60–62.
140. Trunk, Judenrat, pp. 21ff.
141. Weiss, “Jewish Leadership in Occupied Poland—Postures and Attitudes,” pp. 355–56.
142. Ibid., p. 353.
143. Czerniaków, Warsaw Diary, p. 85.
144. Kaplan, Scroll of Agony, p. 57.
145. For these measures, see mainly Bernhard Rosenkötter, Treuhandpolitik: Die “Haupttreuhandstelle Ost” und der Raub polnischen Vermögens, 1939–1945 (Essen, 2003).
146. The most thorough studies of corruption in Nazi Germany are Frank Bajohr, “Arisierung” in Hamburg: Die Verdrängung der jüdischen Unternehmer 1933–1945 (Hamburg, 1997), and Frank Bajohr, Parvenüs und Profiteure: Korruption in der NS-Zeit (Frankfurt am Main, 2001).
147. Emanuel Ringelblum, Notes from the Warsaw Ghetto: The Journal of Emmanuel Ringelblum, ed. Jacob Sloan (New York, 1974), p. 8.
148. Czerniaków, Warsaw Diary, pp. 90ff.
149. Trunk, Judenrat, p. 244.
150. Joseph Kermish, ed., To Live with Honor and Die with Honor!: Selected Documents from the Warsaw Ghetto Underground Archives “O.S.” (“Oneg Shabbat
h”). (Jerusalem, 1986), p. 250.
151. Sierakowiak, Diary, p. 69.
152. For most of the details included in this section Antony Polonsky and Norman Davies, eds., Jews in Eastern Poland and the USSR, 1939–1946 (New York, 1991).
153. Letter of March 12, 1940, from Moshe Kleinbaum to Nahum Goldmann, in Henry Friedlander and Sybil Milton, eds., Archives of the Holocaust: An International Collection of Selected Documents. 22 vols. (New York: Garland, 1989–), vol. 8, 1990, [doc. 34], pp. 112–13.
154. Isaiah Trunk, Jewish Responses to Nazi Persecution: Collective and Individual Behavior in Extremis (New York, 1979), p. 44.
155. Kaplan, Scroll of Agony, pp. 49–50.
156. Jan T. Gross, “A Tangled Web: Confronting Stereotypes Concerning Relations between Poles, Germans, Jews and Communists,” in The Politics of Retribution, ed. István Deák, Jan T. Gross, and Tony Judt (Princeton, 2000), pp. 97–98; see also, from a Polish national perspective, Marek Wierzbicki, “Die polnisch-jüdischen Beziehungen unter sowjetischer Herrschaft: Zur Wahrnehmung gesellschaftlicher Realität im Westlichen Weissrussland 1939–1941,” in Genesis des Genozids. Polen 1939–1941, ed. Klaus-Michael Mallmann and Bogdan Musial (Darmstadt, 2004), pp. 187ff. Wierzbicki repeats the traditional Polish arguments about Jewish disloyalty, and so on.
157. Alexander B. Rossino, “Polish ‘Neighbors’ and German Invaders: Anti-Jewish Violence in the Bialystok District during the Opening Weeks of Operation Barbarossa,” Polin: Studies in Polish Jewry 16 (2003), pp. 441–42.
158. Polonsky and Davies, Jews in Eastern Poland, p. 28.
159. Frank, Diensttagebuch, p. 199:
160. Polonsky and Davies, Jews in Eastern Poland, p. 28.
161. Robert C. Tucker, Stalin in Power: The Revolution from Above, 1928–1941 (New York, 1992), pp. 606–07.
162. The Karski report of February 1940 was first published in David Engel, “An Early Account of Polish Jewry under Nazi and Soviet Occupation Presented to the Polish Government-in-Exile, February 1940,” Jewish Social Studies 45 (1983), pp. 1–16.
163. Ibid., p. 12.
164. Ibid., pp. 12–13. Karski’s comments on the German use of anti-Semitism as a way of gaining support among the Polish population were also confirmed by reports reaching the Foreign Office in London throughout 1940. See Bernard Wasserstein, “Polish Influences on British Policy Regarding Jewish Rescue Efforts in Poland 1939–1945,” Polin: Studies in Polish Jewry 11 (1998), particularly p. 189.
165. Engel, “Early Account,” p. 11.
166. Gross, “A Tangled Web,” pp. 103–4.
167. For the attitude of the Polish government-in-exile and Knoll’s threats, see David Engel, In the Shadow of Auschwitz: The Polish Government-in-Exile and the Jews, 1939–1942 (Chapel Hill, NC, 1987), pp. 62ff., particularly 64–65.
168. At the beginning of the war the Jewish population of the “Old Reich” included approximately 190,000 “full Jews”; according to the census of May 1939 there were also 46,928 “half-Jews” and 32,669 “quarter-Jews” living in Germany. Cf. Ino Arndt and Heinz Boberach, “Deutsches Reich,” in Dimension des Völkermords: Die Zahl der jüdischen Opfer des Nationalsozialismus, ed. Wolfgang Benz, vol. 33, Quellen und Darstellungen zur Zeitgeschichte (Munich, 1991), p. 34. In annexed Austria, the “full Jewish” population at the beginning of the war was 66,260 persons (belonging to the Jewish community) and 8,359 (not belonging to the community). Cf. Jonny Moser in Wolfgang Benz, ed., Dimension des Völkermords: Die Zahl der jüdischen Opfer des Nationalsozialismus. (Munich, 1991), p. 69 n. 13.
169. Joseph Walk, ed., Das Sonderrecht für die Juden im NS-Staat: Eine Sammlung der gesetzlichen Massnahmen und Richtlinien, Inhalt und Bedeutung. (Heidelberg, 1981), p. 303.
170. Ibid., p. 305.
171. Marion A. Kaplan, Between Dignity and Despair: Jewish Life in Nazi Germany (New York, 1998), p. 146.
172. Walk, Das Sonderrecht, p. 304.
173. Otto Dov Kulka and Eberhard Jäckel, Die Juden in den geheimen NS-Stimmungsberichten 1933–1945 (Düsseldorf, 2004), p. 408.
174. Ibid. The shopping time for Jews changed from place to place but was usually limited to a maximum of two hours.
175. Pätzold, Verfolgung, p. 235.
176. Walk, Das Sonderrecht, p. 306.
177. Ibid., p. 308.
178. Ibid., p. 310.
179. For the issues raised by the initial order see Paul Sauer, ed., Dokumente über die Verfolgung der jüdischen Bürger in Baden-Württemberg durch das nationalsozialistische Regime 1933–1945, vol. 2 (Stuttgart, 1966), pp. 179ff.
180. Ibid., p. 181.
181. Ibid., p. 184.
182. Walk, Das Sonderrecht, p. 309.
183. Ibid., p. 312.
184. Ibid., p. 314.
185. Pätzold, Verfolgung, p. 250.
186. Walk, Das Sonderrecht, p. 307.
187. Heinz Boberach, ed., Meldungen aus dem Reich, 1938–1945: Die geheimen Lageberichte des Sicherheitsdienstes der SS, vol. 4 (Herrsching, 1984), p. 979.
188. Walk, Das Sonderrecht, p. 318.
189. For Kirk’s cable of February 28, 1940, see John Mendelsohn and Donald S. Detwiler, eds., The Holocaust: Selected Documents in Eighteen Volumes (New York: Garland Publishing, 1982), pp. 120ff.
190. For some of these phantasmal representations, see Patricia Szobar, “Telling Sexual Stories in the Nazi Courts of Law: Race Defilement in Germany, 1933–1945,” Journal of the History of Sexuality 11, nos. 1–2 (2002), pp. 131–63.
191. Jochen Klepper, Unter dem Schatten Deiner Flügel: Aus den Tagebüchern der Jahre 1932–1942, ed. Hildegard Klepper (Stuttgart, 1956), p. 822.
192. Bryan Mark Rigg, Hitler’s Jewish Soldiers: The Untold Story of Nazi Racial Laws and Men of Jewish Descent in the German Military (Lawrence, 2002), pp. 113–14.
193. Helmut Heiber, Reichsführer! Briefe an und von Himmler (Munich, 1970), p. 75.
194. Ibid., p. 76.
195. Akten der Parteikanzlei der NSDAP, vol. 2, part 3, abstract No. 33179.
196. Ringelblum, Notes, p. 181.
197. Kulka and Jäckel, Die Juden in den geheimen NS-Stimmungsberichten 1933–1945, p. 412.
198. Ibid., pp. 407–08.
199. Ibid., p. 411.
200. Boberach, Meldungen, vol. 3, p. 541.
201. Kulka and Jäckel, Die Juden in den geheimen NS-Stimmungsberichten 1933–1945, p. 427.
202. Boberach, Meldungen. Vol. 4, pp. 1317ff.
203. John Connelly, “The Use of Volksgemeinschaft: Letters to the NSDAP Kreisleitung Eisenach 1939–1940,” Journal of Modern History 68, no. 4 (1996): pp. 924–25.
204. Klemperer, I Will Bear Witness, vol. 1, p. 335.
205. Sauer, Dokumente über die Verfolgung, vol. 2, p. 186.
206. See in particular the diary and documents in Helmuth Groscurth, Tagebücher eines Abwehroffiziers 1938–1940: Mit weiteren Dokumenten zur Militäropposition gegen Hitler, ed. Helmut Krausnick and Harold C. Deutsch (Stuttgart, 1970).
207. Ulrich von Hassell, Die Hassell-Tagebücher 1938–1944: Aufzeichnungen vom Andern Deutschland, ed. Klaus Peter Reiss (unter Mitarbeit) and Freiherr Friedrich Hiller von Gaertringen (Berlin, 1988), p. 167.
208. Ibid., p. 168.
209. Joachim C. Fest, Plotting Hitler’s Death: The Story of the German Resistance (New York, 1996), p. 150.
210. On this issue see Hans Mommsen, “Der Widerstand gegen Hitler und die nationalsozialistische Judenverfolgung,” in Alternative zu Hitler: Studien zur Geschichte des deutschen Widerstandes (Munich, 2000), pp. 388ff.
211. About the percentage of church members, see John S. Conway, The Nazi Persecution of the Churches, 1933–45 (New York, 1968), p. 232. Two-thirds of all baptized members of Christian churches in Germany were Protestants, and one third were Catholics. These numbers are mentioned in Doris L. Bergen, “Catholics, Protestants, and Christian Antisemitism in Nazi Germany,” in David Cesarani, ed., Holocaust: Critical Concepts in Historical Studies. 6 vols. (New York: Routledge, 2004), vol. 1,
p. 342.
212. On the “German Christians,” see in particular Doris L. Bergen, Twisted Cross: The German Christian Movement in the Third Reich (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1996).
213. For these attitudes see in particular infra, chapter V, of this book.
214. For this text, see Röhm and Thierfelder, Juden, vol. 3, part 2 (1938–1941), pp. 27–28.
215. For this text see Susannah Heschel, Transforming Jesus from Jew to Aryan: Protestant Theologians in Nazi Germany (Tucson, 1995), p. 4.
216. Susannah Heschel, “Deutsche Theologen für Hitler. Walter Grundmann und das Eisenacher Institut zur Erforschung und Beseitigung des Jüdischen Einflusses auf das deutsche kirchliche Leben,” in “Beseitigung des jüdischen Einflusses—”: Antisemitische Forschung, Eliten und Karrieren im Nationalsozialismus, ed. Fritz Bauer Institut, Jahrbuch 1998/99 zur Geschichte und Wirkung des Holocaust (Frankfurt am Main, 1999), p. 151.
217. Ibid., p. 153.
218. Quoted in Röhm and Thierfelder, Juden, vol. 3, part 2, p. 106.
219. Heinz Boberach, ed., Berichte des SD und der Gestapo über Kirchen und Kirchenvolk in Deutschland 1934–1944. (Mainz, 1971), p. 365.
220. Ibid., p. 376.
221. Ibid., p. 406.
222. For manifestations of this traditional Catholic anti-Semitism during the thirties see Friedländer, Nazi Germany and the Jews, vol. 1, pp. 42–60.
223. For details on this controversy see Guenter Lewy, The Catholic Church and Nazi Germany (New York, 1964), pp. 278–79.
224. Lewy, The Catholic Church and Nazi Germany, p. 283. The Paulus Bund was essentially open to Jewish converts who were in line with the “new Germany” (ibid.); it later allowed the SD to find at least one notorious informant among its members. See Wolfgang Benz, Patriot und Paria: Das Leben des Erwin Goldmann zwischen Judentum und Nationalsozialismus: eine Dokumentation (Berlin, 1997).
225. Ibid.
226. For the relations between Bertram and Preysing, see Klaus Schölder, A Requiem for Hitler: And Other New Perspectives on the German Church Struggle (London, 1989), pp. 157ff.
227. For the transition from Reichsvertretung to Reichsvereinigung see Otto Dov Kulka, “The Reichsvereinigung and the Fate of German Jews, 1938/9–1943,” in Arnold Paucker, ed., Die Juden im Nationalsozialistichen Deutschland (Tübingen, 1986), pp. 353ff.
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