by Meda Ryan
At this time [April – July 1923] military resistance to a vastly greater Free State army had spent itself. We were faced with the fact that there were 20,000 Republicans in jails, whilst only a few hundred men were left in arms throughout the country. Added to this seventy-eight of our soldiers had already been executed and further batches were awaiting their legal murder, having already been notified. This slaughter would have continued whilst the Free State government had the slightest pretence of armed resistance to justify it. To implement the Cease Fire and Dump Arms orders Mr De Valera proposed the setting up of a government and army council. This was agreed to … The duty of the council was to stop the war in the most advantageous way possible for the Republican Movement; to save the lives of our men awaiting execution; to preserve Republican morale and to control and co-ordinate all efforts by Republican and military bodies towards a Republican resurgence.[31]
Barry’s document of ‘immunity from arrest’ came to a head at an army executive meeting, held on 11 and 12 July 1923 when Aiken ‘pointed out that those officers [including Barry] had threatened to take action’ without army approval. Unusual for Barry, he was late for the meeting. Apparently, he wanted the discussion to proceed before his arrival. However, the meeting ‘decided to defer further discussion in order to ascertain if Comdt Gen. Barry would attend.’ During a lengthy discussion Aiken put it to Barry that unless he obeyed Order No. 20 he would have to ask him to resign. Barry said he would resign from the army executive council and tendered his resignation in writing. Obviously he had anticipated this, as he had his letter prepared:
1. Accept my resignation from the army executive council, army council and as an officer of the I.R.A.
2. Lest my resignation may be interpreted (sic) as a result of my wanting to compromise, I wish to make it clear in this as in former communications, that any policy I suggested was suggested only if the majority of the executive decided that such policy did not (a) compromise any National Principle. (b) Deny the right of any future party to prevent by force of arms if necessary the functioning of any government not based on the complete independence of Ireland.
3. I also wish to state that the rumours propagated in some cases by Republicans as to my negotiating for peace with the Free State, are absolutely false. Lies, suspicion and distrust are broadcasted, and I have no option but to remove myself from a position wherein I can be suspected of compromising the position. I have never entered into negotiations for peace by compromise with the Free State.
4. I cannot withdraw my responsibility in sending you the signed communication with the three Div. O/C’s. I believed then and now, that we are bound to arrange for the safety of our men by every means in our powers, once a/b of Par. 2 are not infringed on. I admit a technical breach of discipline, but I do not withdraw my act.
5. When arms are taken up again in a fight for the complete independence of Ireland, I will again be available for service. Should it be decided at any future date that the executive should have to bear any responsibility for any acts of our army committed in the war, I should like to be included.[32]
Chief-of-staff, Aiken asked him to reconsider his decision and ‘withdraw his resignation’. But Barry was not for turning. So the meeting ‘unanimously agreed to accept it’.[33] Before the meeting closed Comdt P. O’Brien was elected to fill the vacancy due to Tom Barry’s resignation.[34]
A decision to hold a general election on 27 August made the Republican position difficult, as they hadn’t accepted the terms of the Free State.[35]
De Valera and his party contested the election under the banner of Sinn Féin. But, while in Ennis on 15 August addressing his constituents, shots rang out, one got him in the leg, another, aimed at him, hit and wounded Cumann na mBan member Peg Barrett, who had jumped on the platform to shield him when gunfire erupted. He was arrested and spent eleven months in prison.[36]
Winning 63 of the 153 seats, Cosgrave (Free State) was returned to power. But it was a shock to his party to discover that he had only a majority because De Valera’s party of 44 were either in prison or refused to take the oath.
The government was faced with a problem when prisoners in Tintown, Dundalk internment camp had gone on hunger-strike. Many of Barry’s former Volunteer comrades had already fasted 40 days – including Jim Kearney and Timmy Sullivan. (Both were participants in the Beál na mBláth ambush during the Civil War when Michael Collins was fatally shot – they were among the last prisoners to be released in 1924.) The situation was serious. Republican chief-of-staff, Aiken reported to his executive: ‘After the elections the enemy offensive to treat our prisoners as individuals and as criminals began. The Mountjoy prisoners suffered the worst as they were subjected to very brutal treatment.’ Aiken ordered that all Volunteers should do their best ‘to arouse indignation among the people’ and ‘demand their release’. Kilmainham prisoners like the others who were interned continued their hunger-strike for over 30 days.[37]
The prisoners had asked the army executive for permission to hunger-strike. But during discussion at 11 and 12 July meeting, it was unanimously decided that hunger-striking was a matter for individuals.[38]
In October, Barry who had previously resigned from IRA/GHQ army council and executive, but still remained an IRA member, wrote to Frank Aiken CS. ‘I feel it is my duty to offer my help in any way I can … Men’s lives are again in danger and whatever past opinions may be as to tactics and policy, I believe it is the duty of every volunteer to co-operate and help in every way he possibly can. The fight in the jails looks as if it will be the most important yet fought and surely if the men inside are to fight until the end, we outside should also be in it.’ He offered his assistance in ‘some way other than being simply “on the run”.’[39]
Frank Aiken responded with ‘delight’ to Tom’s offer of help. ‘I knew you would be coming along once there was something doing’. He believed that the men intended ‘to stick it. The Staters are finding themselves between two stools at the present time, because if they release the men, we win, and if they keep them on till some of them die, we win’.[40]
Already Eoin O’Duffy, garda commissioner, was concerned that the country was in ‘a disturbed’ state. In listing the countrywide areas that were creating problems he named Tom Barry among those in West Cork as a ‘prominent’ leader ‘of the forces of disorder’ and suggested that the Free State army establish ‘military posts’ linked with ‘mobile columns’ and ‘a system of night patrols’.[41]
Barry told Aiken that ‘matters were getting fairly warm’ down in West Cork where ‘several battalions of Staters are trying to get us’. With other officers he was ‘arranging resolutions of protest’ and ‘putting pressure’ on ‘certain individuals (such as sec. and chairman of ITGWU) … to bring pressure to bear on the Staters for the release of the men.’ With 300 men on hunger-strike, Barry said, ‘the majority will stick it and that will mean the deaths of most of our very best in jail’. In a long letter to Aiken, Barry said if men ‘died, our fighting men’ will continue with ‘greater determination’ against ‘a tyranny whose objective is to wipe out all Republicans’. If the hunger-strike is not responded to ‘it is the beginning of the end but before the end comes we will have to fight again’ and ‘next time the gloves will be off. At least mine will be. I had not them off in the last campaign’. Meanwhile ‘as to what our work will be it is for you to say what you want done’.[42]When two prisoners, Dinny Barry and Andy O’Sullivan, died, the hunger-strike was called off. Some men were very weak and had already been fasting for up to forty days.[43]
In November 1923, Barry turned down Frank Aiken’s (C/S) offer of deputy chief-of-staff of the IRA. ‘Considering that the experience gained by a majority of all units in our organisation for the past five years is equal if not more so to that of mine,’ he wrote. ‘I think it only fair to state that I would be doing an injustice to the organisation in general by taking on work I don’t feel equal to. However, I shall be only too pleased to g
ive any assistance in local batt. or division.’[44]Frank Aiken was disappointed because he ‘considered he was’ suitable and that the O/C First Southern Division should ‘definitely have him attached to Cork No. 2 Brigade.’[45]
On 20 December 1923, ‘acting on information received that Tom Barry would not be pursued further he and another officer decided to make a test case of themselves and accordingly appeared at a Cork county council meeting.’
Barry with Tom Hales ascended the staircase; both were walking along the corridor towards the public gallery when they were ‘accosted’. Tom Barry was taken into ‘one of the military offices’ and held. Tom Hales remained in the corridor. During his detention Barry stated that he had been ‘a member of the executive council during the war against the Free State and that he accepted the responsibilities that his participation and his post involved. Furthermore, that he neither apologised for nor regretted any of his actions during that period.’
Despite rumours to the contrary, he did not, according to Tom Crofts, ‘directly or indirectly’ use any influence to procure immunity from arrest.’ After four hours he was released.[46]
A number of prisoners were released due to pressure on the Free State government from ‘neutral’ sources. However, once the hunger-strike was over, the rounding-up – ‘internment without trial’ – continued well into 1924 (the bulk of Republicans were finally released when De Valera was released in July). Barry now remained ‘on the run’ until stability reigned once more. During this period he was sometimes in Dublin. When in West Cork he periodically stayed in the Kealkil area near Bantry, billeting in houses where his wife Leslie was also accommodated.
Always on the move, he travelled countrywide on IRA activities. In January 1925 when he was in Clonmel he was ‘informed that there was a girl lying wounded’ in hospital from a bullet wound ‘hit by the Staters’ on the night Carrick-on-Suir was captured, (9 Dec. 1922). She had been delivering a dispatch ‘was called on to halt by Staters but refused’. Barry wrote to Frank Aiken, ‘I feel rather responsible, being the officer in charge of the attack on the town… she is now under notice to leave the hospital as she is unable to pay.’ He spoke to the doctor and matron and agreed to take responsibility for her expenses and suggested to Aiken that ‘the army’ would advance her ‘£30 or £40’ and then ‘the question of compensation’ with the White Cross should be arranged.[47]
Liam Deasy was released with all other prisoners in 1924. Because it appeared to the IRA men that his document calling for ‘unconditional surrender of arms and men’ issued from jail during his captivity had indicated weakness in the Republican ranks to the Free State government, he was, upon release, subjected to a court-martial for treachery. Before going on trial he was allowed to pick somebody to defend him. His choice was Tom Barry. In Dublin in January 1925 he was charged with ‘cowardice and treason’. He ‘made no defence to the charges’. Barry spoke very forcibly for Deasy.
Deasy was found guilty and sentenced to death. Barry made a ‘plea for mitigation’. He stated that the man ‘who touched a hair on Deasy’s head’ would have ‘to reckon’ with himself. He stressed that ‘enough blood had been lost for wrong reasons’ and that the Irish people had enough unjust deaths on their hands. ‘The death sentence’ was ‘commuted to “Dismissal with ignominy from the Irish Republican army”.’ He ‘was expelled from the IRA for ever’.[48]
Deasy’s reprieve somehow caused resentment among colleagues. For whatever reason, this resentment built over the years. But it was only in the latter days of their lives that Barry and Deasy, two friends, became embroiled in a public controversy.
Tom, like all his comrades regretted the Civil War, because of the legacy of bitterness it left in some areas. He said that though there were not too many casualties during the Civil War, yet ‘we all lost dear friends and we’ll never forget them, and we won’t forget the Civil War … In Cork we did not keep up that bitterness … The average fellow who was in the Free State army and who went in for a motive that wasn’t savage, I understood and became friends with these men within fifteen years.’[49]
For Tom Barry the war was over. The warrior with all the heroic attributes could get rid of his guns, but he would only bury them where he knew they could be retrieved because Ireland was not yet united under one flag.
Notes
[1]Todd Andrews, author interview 16/3/1980.
[2]Pat Butler, Documentary, Ballyseedy, transmitted, 12/11/1997, RTÉ/TV Archives; Dorothy Macardle, The Tragedies of Kerry, pp. 14–17; Ryle Dwyer, pp. 367–369.
[3]FO’D Papers, 11, 12, 25, 26 February1923, MS 31, 186, NLI.
[4]Connie (Neenan) to Tom Barry, 30 July 1948, reminding Tom of the incident, TB private papers.
[5]Captured documents, P7a/199, MP, UCDA; see also Irish Independent, 9 April 1923.
[6]Council meeting document, MP, P7a/199, UCDA.
[7]Ryan, The Real Chief, pp. 153, 154.
[8]FO’D Papers, 28 March 1923, MS 31,186. NLI.
[9]O’Donoghue, No Other Law, pp. 298, 299.
[10]Irish Daily Papers, 8 March, 1923; Irish Press, 3 June, 1935; Irish Independent, 4 June, 1935; Frank Aiken Papers, P104/1283(4)(6) UCDA.
[11]Andrews, Dublin ..., p. 280.
[12]Ibid., p. 282.
[13]Ibid., p. 283.
[14]Members present were: Eamon de Valera, Liam Lynch, Tom Barry, Frank Aiken, Tom Crofts, Tom Derrig, Seán Dowling, Austin Stack, Seán McSwiney, Humphrey Murphy, Bill Quirke and Seán Hyde.
[15]Tom Barry’s notes, TB Papers.
[16]Longford and O’Neill, Eamon De Valera, pp. 217, 218; T. Ryle Dwyer, De Valera’s Darkest Hour, p. 139; O’Donoghue, No Other Law, pp. 300, 301; Ryan, The Real Chief, pp. 158–60. At the time De Valera was sporting a beard, Sunday Independent, 2/7/1970.
[17]Tom Crofts Military Service Board, Dept of Defence; Meda Ryan, The Real Chief, pp. 162–72; see also Maurice Twomey, Evening Herald, 2 February 1972; also Ned Murphy, Evening Herald, 31 January 1 & 2 February 1972.
[18]FO’D. Papers, MS 31,425, NLI; Frank Aiken Papers, Barry was one of the three members ‘unanimously’ elected to the council. Tom Barry, Irish Press, 3 June, 1935, Irish Independent, 4 June, 1935; F. Aiken Papers, P104/1283 (4), (5), (6), (7), UCDA. The three members representing the Republican government: Eamon de Valera, P. J. Ruttledge, M. Colivet. Army council: Liam Pilkington, Frank Aiken, Tom Barry.
[19]Document, A/0628, Military Archives, Dublin.
[20]Tom Barry to Mary MacSwiney, 9 May 1923, Terence MacSwiney Papers, U329, Cork Archives Institute; see also M. Twomey Papers, P69/39 (137), UCDA.
[21]Florrie O’Donoghue notes, FO’D Papers, MS 31,186 UCDA.
[22]Frank Aiken Papers, P104/1283 (4,) (5), (6), (7), UCDA.
[23]Frank Aiken Papers, ‘Appeal to Mr de Valera – Gravity of Situation Recognised’. There is blank space in the memorandum for the person, place or body to whom arms should be handed in, P104/1256, UCDA.
[24]Tom Barry to Nollaig Ó Gadhra, 1969, RTÉ Sound Archives.
[25]Republican government and army council meeting 20–27 April 1923, O’Malley Papers, P17a/ 12; ‘To all battalion O/Cs’, 24 April 1923, O’Malley Papers, P17a/ 25; Aiken’s message 28 May, 1923, MP, P17b/90, UCDA.
[26]CW/OPS/14/J, Military Archives, Dublin.
[27]Letter to Chairman, Supreme Council IRB, 21/5/1923, MS. 31,421 (3) F. O’Donoghue Papers, NLI. F. Aiken Papers, minutes of government and army council meeting, 30/6/1923, P104/ 1267 (4) and minutes of army executive meeting, 11 and 12 July, 1923, P104/ 1264 (2), (3), and P/104 /1266 (6), UCDA. T. Crofts was O/C First S. Div., T. O’Sullivan, O/C Third E. Div.; see also Moss Twomey Papers, 10 August 1924, P69/179 (126) UCDA.
[28]Frank Aiken Papers, government and army council minutes of meeting, held 30/6/1923, P104/1267 (4), UCDA; Moss Twomey Papers, P69/179 (126), UCDA.
[29]Irish Independent, 7 June, 1935; Irish Press, 7 June 1935; Frank Aiken Papers, P104/ 1285 (1), (2), (3), (4), UCDA.) P104/1256, UCDA.
&nbs
p; [30]Tom Barry, 4 June 1935, Frank Aiken Papers, P104/1283 (5) and (7), UCDA. Barry regretted that this ‘confidential’ army executive discussion was made public because of a controversy initiated by Frank Aiken in 1935.
[31]Frank Aiken Papers, P104/1283 (4), (5), (6), (7), UCDA.
[32]To chairman, army executive council, IRA – executive meeting 11/7/1923. Signed, Tom Barry (Comdt General) F. Aiken Papers, P104/1264 (1), UCDA.
[33]Minutes of army executive meeting, 11 and 12 July 1923, Frank Aiken Papers, P104/1264 (2), (3) MT Papers, UCDA.
[34]Frank Aiken Papers, P104/1264 (4) and (8), UCDA.
[35]Minutes of army council meeting, 11 July – Barry present, discussion on general election, MT Papers, P69/179 (64), UCDA.)
