The fact that Yergan and Schuyler, two Black Americans, were touring Portuguese-ruled Angola in March 1961 was no idle matter.81 Nor was it insignificant that they chose that precise moment to put a pleasant face on an increasingly unpopular colonial apparatus, noted for its systematic suppression of human rights and reliance upon torture. Many now knew of the infamous palmatoria, a perforated paddle, specially designed to maximize pain and scarring during interrogation. This was used to intimidate and extract confessions from suspect detainees, particularly among targeted trade unionists and/or nationalist activists.
By mid-December, Yergan and conservative ideologue James Burnham (whom Max had known since 1950) held a news conference at New York’s Overseas Press Club to announce the formation of an American Committee to Aid Katanga Freedom Fighters,82 a rightist venture aiding the Belgian-backed enclave of Congo copper baron Moise Tshombe. The “freedom fighters” would soon be revealed as mostly White foreign mercenary recruits. Nonetheless Yergan firmly identified himself with this effort to resist “communist” control.
Yergan and his allies supported the “anti-Communist” antics of the settler-backed pseudosecession of the mineral rich Katanga province of the Congo. Long a sore spot in the heart of Africa, the Congo had endured nearly eight decades of fierce foreign rule, nowhere more exploitative than in the copper-rich region now known by the mineral’s Kiswahili name, Shaba. Katanga, as it was then, was a paradise for the European “experts” engaged with the mining and ancillary industries who extracted considerable profits while their African wards, the primary producers, writhed in abject penury. Tales of the abuses heaped upon the hapless helpers of the Congo’s Belgian invaders had hurt the hearts of many over the years since King Leopold’s tragic condominium, whose excesses reached the eyes of Mark Twain, George Washington Williams, Roger Casement, and other muckrakers. Max’s allies in defending this regime included would-be ex-Communist Frank S. Meyer, then a born-again rightist zealot, and hosts of like-minded conservative celebrities who, calling for individual rights, actually were bolstering settler-controlled private property over African democracy.
Some time in the early sixties, Herbert Aptheker, who had met Yergan at the time of the first National Negro Congress in 1936 and had worked with him in the Council on African Affairs until the 1948 split, had a chance encounter with Yergan in Manhattan. As Aptheker recalled it,
I was on Fifth Avenue and he got off the Fifth Avenue bus. He was dressed in his high fashion, as he always was. I think he had a cane. I believe he wore spats, and a hat; he looked like some sort of English barrister. He came off the bus… and he saw me and he turned away, I thought with embarrassment. I may be mistaken; he may have turned away with disgust, I don’t know. But he saw me and he obviously didn’t want to say anything to me or have me confront him or do anything with him. And I thought to myself at the time, and I said to myself, what a pity. That’s what I said to myself. What a pity.83
Yergan again briefly captured headlines the following year. In 1964, South Africa was in the throes of a terrifying treason trial whose roots lay in a July 11, 1963, raid on Lilliesleaf farm. The raid resulted in the arrest of several prominent prodemocracy activists, including Nelson Mandela, then in hiding from state authorities while they planned the next stage in an underground strategy to force the apartheid government to grant them their citizenship rights. This event precipitated what would be known as the Rivonia Treason Trial. By the first of January 1964, the government had promulgated a Suppression of Communism Act, aimed at identifying and detaining those suspected of either belonging to the banned Communist Party or working in common purpose with it. These two related stories dominated domestic and international headlines all during that year. In November Yergan, supported by the progovernment South Africa Foundation, returned, arriving around November 3. Ten days later, Max’s visit brought this reflection from an American consular officer:
Dr. Max Yergan, an American Negro, is currently visiting South Africa under auspices of South Africa Foundation. He is described by the Foundation as a distinguished American sociologist, a specialist in African affairs, and Vice-Chairman of the American Afro-Asian Educational Exchange Program.
Mr L. B. Gerber, Director of the South Africa Foundation, informed the Embassy by letter on October 22, 1964 that Dr Yergan would visit South Africa as a guest of Foundation from November 3–30. The itinerary arranged for him by the Foundation includes visits to Johannesburg, the Northern Transvaal, Pretoria (interviews with Government officials), Daveyton area (meet with members of Urban Bantu Council), Kruger Park, Basutoland, Cape Town, East London, Transkei and Durban. A press conference is scheduled for November 29 in Johannesburg. He will leave November 30 for Lourenço Marques. Pursuant to the request of Mr Gerber, the Embassy advised the Consulates at Johannesburg, Port Elizabeth, Cape Times, and Durban of Dr Yergan’s visits to those consular districts.
In an interview in the Sunday Express, November 8, Dr. Yergan is reported as saying that he sensed a great sincerity among Afrikaans and English-speaking South Africans and non-Whites, to come to grips with pressing issues, and that “There appears to be strong evidence of a genuine effort to deal with these issues with justice.” According to the Express, Dr Yergan was formerly a lecturer at Fort Hare University and he first came to South Africa more than 30 years ago.84
On November 25, Yergan was the subject of an article in the Johannesburg Star in which he was quoted as having stated publicly,
“I do not hesitate to say that the responsibility rests with the rest of the world to understand separate development more fully than they do now and to give South Africa a more honest, objective, and fair judgment.” Yergan also reportedly said that South Africa was “in every sense a bright spot on the continent of Africa—a spot which can grow even brighter when the rest of the world understands separate development better.”85
The same day he got sterner treatment from East London’s Daily Dispatch. Noting the curious concatenation of circumstances whereby Max stayed at a “whites-only” hotel in Umtata, Transkei, the Dispatch, following the lead of the locally published Umthunywa of November 24, asked why it was that even Transkeian cabinet ministers, not to mention opposition leader Kaiser Matanzima, could not do likewise. Taking the point further, indicating that Chief Minister Matanzima had arranged a “state dinner” for his American guest in the Transkei Legislative Assembly’s restaurant, it reiterated Umthunywa’s query: “What would happen if Dr. Yergan reciprocated this gesture by inviting his hosts to dinner at the all-white hotel?” The press felt this farcical.86
In a matter of days, the scandal had reached New York Times reporter Anthony Lukas, who devoted considerable space of his own to this anachronistic performance.87
By early December, American Embassy staff in South Africa discussed Yergan.88
Dr. Max YERGAN, the American Negro who is visiting the Republic as a guest of the South Africa Foundation (refair), stated in Umtata, Transkei, that separate development was a “realistic policy” marked by qualities of sincerity and honest commitment, according to The Star (Johannesburg) of November 25. These remarks were made at a dinner in the Transkei Legislative Assembly attended by 30 Africans, including Chief Minister Kaiser Matanzima and members of the Transkei Cabinet, the press stated, adding that in Umtata he was staying at a leading White hotel.89
William L. Swing, American vice consul in Port Elizabeth (later U.S. Ambassador to Haiti) filed a similar report, recapping the Daily Dispatch article and then offering this observation:
The reporting officer’s visit to the Transkei happened to coincide with that of Dr. Yergan. Although I stayed in the same hotel as he and although I saw him on several occasions in Umtata and in remote areas of the Transkei, I did not have an opportunity to speak with him since his time was very tightly scheduled. In conversations with representatives of the civic, Transkeian and South African governments, I emphasized that Dr. Yergan was traveling under the auspices of the South African
Foundation, and that the opinions he expressed did not reflect official USG[overnment] policy toward South Africa.
The Mayor of Umtata, Councilor D. F. THOMPSON, told the reporting officer in Umtata on November 26 that neither the Umtata City Council nor any other civic group, on which “Europeans” are represented, was invited to participate in any way in Dr. Yergan’s visit to Umtata and the Transkei. At the TLA dinner arranged by Chief Minister Matanzima, a former student of Dr. Yergan at Fort Hare, “European” press and radio correspondents were admitted only during Dr. Yergan’s speech. It is significant to note, with regard to the segregation so strictly adhered to, that neither Paramount Chief Victor POTO, leader of the Opposition in the TLA, nor Mr. Knowledge GUZANA, Opposition Chief Whip, attended the “state” dinner for Dr. Yergan, although both had been invited.90
Given that Yergan had served as an apologist for apartheid, a backer of Portuguese colonialism in Angola, and a bankroller of provincial neocolonialism in secessionist Katanga, it was not out of character for a born-again Yergan to join another minority-rule bandwagon, this time hitching his horse to the atavistic Ian Smith’s breakaway Southern Rhodesian rebellion. In 1965, when most Africans, and scores of their erstwhile overlords in Europe’s metropoles, read majority rule as the handwriting on the wall, some die-hards still stubbornly refused to see it, and did all in their power to resist the inevitable, aping kindred spirits in Lisbon and Brussels. Defying Great Britain, the colonial authority, the United Nations, and the world community, Smith’s Rhodesian Front–dominated White minority government delivered an astonishing soi-disant “Unilateral Declaration of Independence,” cutting its UK ties. Rebel Rhodesia quickly realized that it needed Western friends. There to answer Smith’s call was publicist Yergan. Yergan was still currying favor in lofty places, and his latest foray into right-wing public relations again seized the eye of some occupants of the leeward side of the Capitol.
On January 21, 1966, G. Mennen “Soapy” Williams, the assistant secretary of the State Department’s Bureau of African Affairs (later Democratic governor of Michigan), met Ohio congressman John H. Ash-brook, a Yergan confidant, regarding the representative’s plan to visit Southern Rhodesia on a fact-finding mission. The day before, Williams had tried unsuccessfully to contact Ashbrook in both Washington and his district office. Williams, who had a rare knowledge of Africa, reprised the crux of their talks this way:
Since he was contemplating a trip to Southern Rhodesia, I pointed out to him the fact that the United States Government had officially sought to discourage US citizens traveling there and that British visas were necessary.
My next move was to indicate to him that if he went, I thought he would find himself faced with one or two alternatives. One, he might be attacked, not necessarily as the three British MP’s, but possibly verbally. The other alternative could be that the government would endeavor to use him. He said he certainly didn’t want to be used.
He then indicated that he was traveling with Max Yergan, Mr William A Rusher and a third journalist. I thereupon pointed out to him that Max Yergan was undoubtedly a white supremist and was going to Southern Rhodesia for that purpose. I pointed out to the Congressman that he had recently formed an organization called American-African Affairs Association, Inc., and I showed him the letterhead. This letter included sentences like the following : “And much of our government’s and people’s knowledge of Africa is colored by racist dogma (white Africans are always wrong; colored Africans are always right), etc.”
The Congressman expressed appreciation for the way I had put the matter; I had insisted obviously he was free to make any decision that he wanted to, but that I felt obligated to present him with the facts as we saw them as well as the Government’s position.
The Congressman indicated that he wanted to think the whole matter over and that he might not make the trip. He expressed interest in seeing certain materials showing the basis for our action in Southern Rhodesia etc, which I promised him for that afternoon.
On Saturday, January 22, Representative Ashbrook departed New York for London, arriving in London at 9:35 a.m. the next day. While the congressman was en route, Secretary of State Dean Rusk contacted the American Embassy in London, and consular officers in Johannesburg and Salisbury provided information to U.S. Embassy personnel in Pretoria and Cape Town of the flight plans of the party, as well as the substance of the exchange between Assistant Secretary Williams and Representative Ashbrook.
Ashbrook then departed London on Sunday, January 23, by South African Airways Flight 221 bound for Salisbury, expecting to visit South Africa. Ashbrook, the ranking Republican on the House Un-American Activities Committee did not provide the State Department with data allowing it to “ascertain specific purpose of visit.”91 Reportedly traveling with him were Max Yergan and perhaps others from London. Rusher did not accompany them.92
On January 25, this official message was sent to Secretary of State Dean Rusk:
1. CONGRESSMAN JOHN M. ASHBROOK, DR. MAX YERGAN AND RALPH DE TOLEDANO MET ON ARRIVAL SALISBURY AIRPORT 1030 JANUARY 24 BY RHODESIAN INFORMATION MINISTRY OFFICIAL; ASHBROOK DEPARTING JANUARY 26, DE TOLEDANO JANUARY 28. AND YERGAN JANUARY 30. I ARRANGED TO BE AT AIRPORT INFORMALLY INFORM ASHBROOK OUR PRESENCE IN EVENT HE NEEDED ANY ASSISTANCE. TRIO WAS RECEIVED AT 1530 BY MINJUSTICE LAW AND ORDER LARDNER-BURKE AND, AS NOTHING SCHEDULED EARLIER BY RHODESIANS, ALL THREE HAD LUNCH WITH ME AT OFFICIAL RESIDENCE.
2. IN COURSE LUNCHEON CONVERSATION, I STRESSED PROBLEMS CONFRONTING REGIME AND NEED TO VIEW PRESENT SITUATION REALISTICALLY IN TERMS OF SANCTIONS EFFECTS ALREADY REGISTERED ON RHODESIAN ECONOMY AND PROBABLE ADDITIONAL IMPACT IN WEEKS AND MONTHS TO COME. ALTHOUGH THEIR PERSONAL BIAS OBVIOUS AND THEY MAY HAVE BEEN MORE CIRCUMSPECT IN MY PRESENCE THAN THEY WILL BE WITH REGIME OFFICIALS, ALL THREE GAVE IMPRESSION THAT REGRETFULLY THEY WOULD NOT REPEAT NOT BUILD UP REGIME HOPES OF ANY CHANGE IN US SUPPORT FOR HMG OR HOLD OUT PROSPECT FOR EASING OF SANCTIONS. ASHBROOK TOLD ME SEPARATELY HE CONSIDERED USG POLICY BROADLY SUPPORTED AT HOME AND WOULD SO STATE IF ASKED BY REGIME LEADERS.
3. TRIO SCHEDULED MEET SMITH JANUARY 26 AND APPOINTMENTS ARE BEING ARRANGED WITH BUSINESS AND OPPOSITION LEADERS BY INFORMATION MINISTRY. IT WAS MADE CLEAR THROUGH INFORMAL UNOFFICIAL CONTACTS AT WORKING LEVEL THAT VISIT COMPLETELY PRIVATE AND ALL THREE SEEM SENSITIVE TO DELICATE SITUATION OF CONGEN.
4. SO FAR, NEWS MEDIA HAVE NOT REPEAT NOT GIVEN VISIT ANY PLAY. ASHBROOK STRESSED THAT WE DID NOT REPEAT NOT INTEND TO MAKE PRESS STATEMENTS OR TRY TO ATTRACT PUBLICITY DURING VISIT; IT PERHAPS LESS CERTAIN THAT HIS PARTNERS WILL SHOW SAME RESTRAINT.93
On January 27 Yergan visited the American Consulate at Salisbury, Rhodesia. The following day a consular official filed this report from that location:
1. ASHBROOK-DE TOLEDANO— YERGAN SPENT JANUARY 26 VISITING KARIBA DAM AND NEITHER ASHBROOK NOR DE TOLEDANO MADE ANY EFFORT TO SEE ANYONE AT CONSULATE. YERGAN, HOWEVER, PAID VISIT MORNING JANUARY 27.
2. YERGAN SINGULARLY UNCOMMUNICATIVE RE PROSPECTS SMITH REGIME BUT GAVE EVER EVIDENCE OF DISCOURAGEMENT AND SAID HE PROPOSED CUT SHORT PLANNED VACATION STAY ATHENS, GREECE IN ORDER RETURN NEW YORK, “GET IN TOUCH WITH FRIENDS URGENTLY AND SEE IF ANYTHING CAN BE DONE.”
3. YERGAN DISCOURSED AT LENGTH ON DANGERS POSSIBLE CHAOS IN RHODESIA WHICH COULD SPREAD RAPIDLY THROUGHOUT SOUTHERN AFRICA, EXPRESSED DISAGREEMENT WITH UK – US POLICY WHICH “CREATING VACUUM IN VITAL AREA” YERGAN IMPRESSED BY DETERMINATION RESIST ON PART WHITE RHODESIANS ALTHOUGH MOST UNWILLING MAKE ANY PREDICTION RE: REGIME’S STAYING POWER, AND SHOCK AT INTRANSIGENCE AFRICANS WITH WHOM HE MET, INCLUDING UPP MEMBERS; HE ASSERTED THEY UNANIMOUS IN SAYING “WE MUST RULE NOW AND BRITISH REALIZE THIS.”
4. COMMENT: YERGAN GAVE IMPRESSION HE WOULD FIGHT GOOD FIGHT FOR SMITH REGIME, BUT THAT SITUATION APPEARED MORE CRITICAL THAN HE HAD ANTICIPATED.
While in the short run it proved possible to keep a lid on these proceedings, by spring news of them had reached other reporters. Among those in the know was noted Negro journalist Carl Rowan, wh
o had many government sources. Once again, Yergan’s name appeared on Oval Office stationery, this time in a memorandum from Rick Haynes:
Columnist Carl Rowan phoned me today to ask if I could give him any leads on public sources of information on the Communist background of Max Yergan, Co-Chairman of the right-wing American-African Affairs Association. Recalling that Yergan had been a prime mover in Tshombe’s secessionist Katanga Lobby, I suggested that he check the Reader’s Guide on the Katanga Lobby as several newspaper and magazine articles were written about it in the early 60s. Rowan said that he already had the record of Yergan’s admissions to the House Un-American Activities Committee in 1952 of Communist Associations.94
During the next five years Yergan continued traveling. He went somewhere via Air France in autumn 1967, perhaps to Francophone Africa or maybe just the French “motherland.” But there were few notices of these trips in either Black or establishment newspapers, as Max faded into obscurity. His name still showed prominently on the masthead of the American-African Affairs Association, and his colleagues there continued turning out defenses of White rule in Rhodesia and South Africa and issuing attacks on “Communist-inspired” terrorism, which most Africans preferred to call the armed struggle. By 1970 Max’s health had deteriorated, causing complaints of “unsteadiness” in his legs, as well as speech difficulties.95 This continued into the next year.96 Then, in March 1971, Susie Wiseman Yergan died.97 That same year, the AAAA sent a three-man study team to Southern Africa, led by Alvin J. Cottrell, director of research for the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) of Georgetown University, whose report exposed “communist activity in the Indian ocean area and the value of South Africa as an ally in dealing with it.”98 CSIS is frequently understood to be an institution with close CIA links, and thus it is likely that at least some AAAA members had connections with the CIA. While the CIA characteristically would not comment upon whether or not it knew of Yergan’s activities, the circumstances of his foreign public-relations contracts make that a legitimate question.
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