by Joe Weber
The hit man turned and raced down the concourse, knocking down passengers and visitors like bowling pins.
Steve started after him and then stopped. It was too dangerous to get boxed into a position where he might have to exchange gunfire in the middle of a crowd.
He returned the Beretta to the small of his back and walked over to Susan. "This guy is crazy."
"Or very stupid," she said as she watched the airport security personnel hurrying toward the restaurant.
"If he's this overt in public," Steve said as he reached for his identification, "he isn't going to give up. Anyone who would try to kill someone in a busy airport is either a complete mental case or really desperate."
"Or both." Susan frowned. "That's what concerns me."
"Same here," he openly confessed. "It's like someone is telegraphing him our every move."
Susan couldn't conceal her ire. "You're right. We're traveling under assumed names, and only a few people know where we're going."
"And even fewer"--Steve paused to slow his breathing--"had access to our flight itinerary."
"Someone," Susan fumed, "is setting us up. There's something bigger going on than what we see on the surface."
"If we're careful," Steve said with a look of concern, "we might be able to trap this nutcase--which could possibly lead us to the person behind the attack at Pearl."
"And to the person who is selling us out," Susan added bitterly.
"That's right," he agreed. "We've got to set a trap for this psycho."
She reached for her badge as the airport security team surrounded the front of the now-empty restaurant. "Which one of us is going to be the bait?"
Chapter 22.
STRAIT OF MALACCA
USS Kitty Hawk and her carrier battle group slowed to a leisurely pace and entered their assigned patrol area southeast of the Nicobar Islands, near the northern mouth of the Strait of Malacca.
This hazardous strait, 550 miles long, varies in width from 155 miles in the northern section to 40 miles in the south. Named after the port of Malacca on the Malayan coast, the crowded strait provides the shortest sea route between the Persian Gulf and Japan.
Located between Malaysia and the Indonesian island of Sumatra, the strategic waterway connects the Andaman Sea in the Indian Ocean to the South China Sea. The shallow, pirate-infested bottleneck, which is the main shipping route connecting Europe and the Mideast to Eastern Asia, narrows tightly near the port city of Singapore.
Along with the English Channel, the Bosporus Strait in Turkey, and the Strait of Gibraltar, the Strait of Malacca shares the infamous reputation of being one of the most dangerous, collision-prone channels in the world, and the congested channel is a natural chokepoint to stem the constant flow of raw goods and petroleum that Japan so desperately needs.
A constant stream of giant petroleum tankers traverses the waterway during around-the-clock operations between the Middle Eastern oil fields and ports in eastern Asia. The twentyone-hour journey through the main section of the strait is difficult to navigate and features tricky tides, unpredictable local traffic, and the ever-present gangs of modern-day pirates who board ships to rob and sometimes kill the crews.
An airborne warning-and-control aircraft orbited high above the Seventh Fleet carrier and her six escort ships from Cruiser Destroyer Group Five. The Grumman Group Two E-2C Hawk-eye provided the radar eyes for the warships and the fighter planes. The "Hummer" rotated with three other Carrier Air Wing 15 Hawkeyes to supply around-the-clock surveillance for airborne threats. If the early-warning aircraft spotted unidentified planes, the "bogies' " position and altitude would be sent by digital link to Kitty Hawk and to the air-warfare officer aboard Chancellorsville, one of the carrier battle group's two Aegis cruisers.
Miles from the center of the carrier group and operating in separate quadrants, two Lockheed S-3B Viking jets patrolled for submarine activity. The pair of antisubmarine-warfare aircraft, known as Hoovers because their engines sound like vacuum cleaners, also provided the capability for visually searching the surface of the ocean. The crews of the jets from the VS-37 Sawbucks took pride in knowing that they were the best of the best in the ASW business.
Beneath the choppy waters leading to the Strait of Malacca, a Los Angeles--class nuclear-powered attack submarine quietly prowled the depths in search of stealthy threats to the battle group. Limited by the shallow waters of the southern end of the narrow strait, which varies from 90 to 120 feet in depth, the submarine had to stay in the northwest area, where the bottom gradually deepens until it reaches approximately 650 feet at the boundary of the Andaman Basin.
With the threat from Soviet ballistic-missile submarines now history, the American attack-submarine community had shifted its focus to detecting and countering diesel subs in shallow coastal waters. The challenge is particularly difficult because the latest generation of diesel-electric boats is extremely quiet and has the endurance to "sleep" on the bottom of the ocean for extended periods of time.
In the crowded Strait of Malacca, the problem of detecting enemy submarines is exacerbated by the mixed propeller noises generated from the multitude of vessels plying the busy shipping lanes.
The commanding officer of La Jolla acted primarily on his own and seldom communicated with the battle group. Like all fast-attack skippers, he didn't like any type of communication that might reveal his presence and location. His mission, like the responsibility of the commanding officers of the surface ships, was to protect the vulnerable aircraft carrier. He would quietly attempt to find and kill any submarine that dared to stalk the battle group.
On the massive flight deck of Kitty Hawk, two Grumman F-14D Tomcats from Fighter Squadron 111 were sitting on the bow catapults in an Alert Fifteen status. They were armed with Phoenix long-range missiles and Sidewinder heat-seeking air-to-air missiles.
The Tomcat pilots and their radar-intercept officers were resting in their squadron ready room, waiting with a degree of apprehension for the order to scramble. If any type of threat materialized, the "Sundowner" crews would have to be airborne in fifteen minutes or less.
Like everyone else, the pilots and RIOs weren't sure why they were in the strait, but they suspected that it had something to do with Japan. The escalating tensions caused by the fractured relations between the two countries was the lead story on every news program beamed to the ship.
Seated at a chart table in the flag bridge, the battle group commander, Rear Admiral Isaac Landesman, fully understood why his ships were taking up station in the Strait of Malacca. The order to raise the group's defense-readiness condition from DEFCON FIVE, the level of normal peacetime activities, to the status of DEFCON FOUR was a surprise for the entire battle group. The upgraded defense condition mandated an increased intelligence watch and an increase in security.
TOKYO
The luxuriously decorated hospitality suite overlooking the Marunouchi business quarter was crowded when Tadashi Matsukawa gave the quiet signal that it was time for serious matters. The attractive young geishas silently prepared to leave the softly lighted room. After the quartet of talented hostess-entertainers were politely escorted away by a member of the large-scale security detail, Matsukawa followed the. Prime Minister and Chihiro Yamashita to a small platform and podium.
Yamashita, the resilient chairman of Keidanren, Japan's powerful Federation of Economic Organizations, thanked Matsukawa for providing the entertainment and the spacious meeting facilities for the important business conference.
Afterward, Prime Minister Genshiro Koyama thanked the cartel members for rearranging their schedules on such short notice, and they all adjourned to the large soundproof conference room on the top floor.
The building was guarded by sixty specially selected uniformed guards and forty-five civilian-clad security specialists. The entrances were locked and guarded, and seven men with automatic weapons patrolled the roof. Fifteen people had spent over four hours checking from floor to floor for anyone hiding
in the building. In addition, a sophisticated monitoring system relayed television pictures to a central command post, and pairs of armed sentries roamed each floor.
The elevators and stairs were guarded, and the elevator doors could be electronically sealed from the command post. Security was extremely tight for the "brain trust"--the experts concerned with planning the ongoing economic and military strategy of Japan.
When the men were comfortably seated, Prime Minister Koyama stepped behind the lectern.
"Japan," he began solemnly, "as you are painfully aware, has reached another crossroad in our long and proud history." The room was deathly quiet.
"As our country has rapidly approached this historical intersection," he continued glumly, "we have attempted to steer clear of confrontations with the Americans and concentrate on prosperity and growth. Unfortunately, the course we have chosen often finds us at odds with the United States."
The Prime Minister paused a brief moment to make eye contact with many of his friends and associates. "Today, Japan faces an intractable situation. Even though our current relations with the U. S. are strained, we must confront Washington and announce our independence . . . and we must be steadfast about our intentions."
Koyama closely studied the audience and saw the looks of understanding. He also saw reactions of doubt from some, including Foreign Minister Nagumo Katsumoto. The short, stylishly dressed statesman, who was perpetually bent at the waist, appeared impassive. As Koyama knew from years of friendship with Katsumoto, the expressionless look on his face meant that he was not pleased.
"Many of you have discussed the situation with me privately," Koyama observed as he gazed at the sea of faces, "and many of you have suggested that it is in Japan's best interest to give notice to the powers in Washington."
He looked squarely at Tadashi Matsukawa and saw the slight nod. "Notice that we are going to henceforth make our own decisions regarding our country's future, including the size and scope of our military."
The Prime Minister saw the looks of agreement from the majority of the attendees. What bothered him was the sour looks on the faces of the chief executive officers of Japan's Big Four securities firms. The leaders of Daiwa, Nomura, Nikko, and Yamaichi were sitting together and obviously disagreed with the idea of approaching the Americans with any type of proposal.
"We must be united in our cause," Koyama declared and noted the suddenly grim expression on the face of the Foreign Minister, "or we run the risk of dividing our own country. Our political parties are in agreement that now is the hour for discussing our independent future with the Americans.
"If we approach this subject with a well-organized plan, I believe we can minimize any negative reaction from Washington and achieve the results we desire and need."
He looked at Matsukawa for a moment and turned back to the audience. "I would like," he said in his raspy voice, "one of our widely known and esteemed business leaders to speak to you, then we'll discuss the subject in detail." He motioned to Matsukawa and introduced him to the gurupu, then quickly walked to his seat.
"Many of you," Matsukawa said clearly, "have visited with me, agreeing that we can no longer afford to have the Americans influencing Japan's future. Prime Ministers Nakasone and Takeshita began this movement, and now we need to bring it to a conclusion."
He raised his hands when a few of the cartel members started to speak. "Let me finish and then I want to listen to what the rest of you have to say."
Matsukawa took a sip of water from the glass under the wide podium. "You know many of the key issues at stake: the continuing trade disputes, the argument over the size and constitutionality of our Self-Defense Forces, America's shrinking military presence in the Western Pacific, and our lack of confidence in their desire, or ability, to come to our defense if someone attacked us."
He impatiently waited for the murmur to die down. "Now that the presence of the U. S. military is not felt in East Asia, China's Congress has passed a law claiming Taiwan, the Senkaku Islands, and most of the South China Sea, where there are thought to be rich oil and gas deposits.
"Beijing's territorial claims are explosive issues that place China in a confrontational position against Japan, Taipei, Vietnam, Malaysia, India, the Philippines, and Brunei. Chinese military leaders have even been quoted in the China Business Times as saying they consider the United States a developed nation in decline while China is a developing nation on the rise."
Matsukawa reached for his water glass. "So we can see that Beijing is not terribly worried about the American reaction to China's ventures. The situation that exists today in our region of the world could change very quickly and very dramatically. Since the Americans abandoned Clark Air Force Base and Subic Bay Naval Base in the Philippines, the Pacific Ocean is not America's lake anymore. They are no longer there to protect us.
Matsukawa looked at the chairman of Keidanren before continuing. "We have over seventy-five billion dollars invested in Asia, from Indonesia to Hong Kong, and we must be able to protect it. That's why we must continue to expand our military forces, especially the naval presence throughout the Pacific Rim."
The chief executive of Yamaichi Securities made a slashing gesture with his hand. "Matsukawa-san, I disagree with continuing to allow our military forces to grow at the expense of our economy. Besides," the troubled man said more excitedly, "over fifty-five percent of all Southeast Asians, let alone the majority of Americans, have deep-rooted fears about Japan's reconstituted military and what we're planning to do with it in the near future."
The deceitful billionaire gave the business executive a disdainful look. "It's time to face some facts," he began with a touch of sarcasm. "Don't you see the big picture? Japan is a political dwarf. We're going to have to have a world-class military that equals our economic power or continue to cower in fear of the Americans and anyone else who wants to step on our toes.
"We have rebuilt our country," Matsukawa rushed on, "from the shambles of 1945 to a world economic leader, and today we are building collateral to protect our vast investment."
Matsukawa fixed his eyes on his adversary. "Surely you wouldn't risk an investment without something to underwrite your money. Our collateral has to be our military--or Japan is going to remain a political dwarf to be slapped around."
The securities executive grunted and gave Matsukawa a look of pure hatred. "You"--he pointed his finger at Matsukawa"and the rest of you who believe in alienating the Americans are making a major mistake."
"Let's think about that for a moment," Matsukawa persisted, attempting to conceal his growing irritation. "China now has a rudimentary aircraft carrier, a large complement of Russian-built naval Su-27 jet fighters and Yak-141 supersonic vertical-takeoff-and-landing fighter-bombers. In the meantime they have been turning out vast quantities of MiG-31s from their own plant in the Guizhou province . . ." -
Before he continued, Matsukawa listened to the buzz as the men talked quietly among themselves.
"The Chinese," he informed the gurupu, "also have a number of MiG-29s with stowable in-flight refueling probes and a large number of Ilyushin-76 transports that have been converted to tankers and airborne warning-and-control aircraft. These modified airplanes are capable of escorting the fighters and bombers over extended ranges.
"As you know," he continued, "P'yongyang also has an arsenal of Nodong-1 missiles that are capable of carrying nuclear warheads to Kyushu, Shikoku, and the lower regions of Honshu. With those threats staring us in the face, we have no choice but to increase our military forces."
Matsukawa was encouraged when he saw a few of the men indicate that they were in agreement with him. He could tell that he was getting the reaction and support the Prime Minister needed to carry out the plan.
The disgruntled man from Yamaichi Securities shook his head in disgust. "Democratic nations don't make war on each other. We're not going to see wars like we have in the past. Warfare has essentially become irrelevant. Our long-range goals should
be to increase trade because the 'little tigers' are nipping at our heels."
"Unfortunately you are clearly wrong about war," Matsukawa countered. "Man will never change. The only change will be the weapons available to him at any given time."
The chief executive of the securities firm scowled in anger and again pointed a finger at Matsukawa. "You, and all the people like you, are the reason we can't have a stabilized, sensible, compassionate, merciful world."
A low, continuous series of hushed whispers floated through the room while Tadashi Matsukawa tried to control his temper and his tongue. He was not used to having anyone talk down to him. This was an insult that caused him to lose face in front of the most powerful body of men in Japan.
"As long as the Americans"--Matsukawa gazed menacingly at the securities executive--"continue to be the lawmen for the world, we have a reasonable chance of escaping warfare. But look at the situation that prevails. The Americans, at some date in the foreseeable future, are going to have to pay their multitrillion-dollar debt--which means they're going to have to continue shrinking their military forces."
Matsukawa locked the man in his icy stare. "When the U. S. Congress becomes financially desperate--when they're on their knees and completely insolvent--they will attempt to raise taxes and slash every budget in sight."
Hunching over the lectern, Matsukawa's voice became a low growl. "The deep cuts in domestic spending and huge taxes will pit the rich against the poor, the young against the old, the healthy against the sick--basically, the haves against the have-nots. Chaos and calamity is America's future, and we can't afford to sink with them. That's why we must continue to prepare ourselves to defend our country."
He took another sip of water to moisten his dry mouth. "If the American people," Matsukawa continued more lightly, "ever figure out how to get their nation and themselves out of debt, then I wouldn't be so worried.
