One by one, then, the clauses were announced, with brief and telling explanatory asides, and passed seriatim - the need for annual parliaments, each appointing its own president; extra shire and burgh commissioners for every peerage created above the present balance; none to vote save Lords of Parliaments of Scots domicile, and commissioners; the crown to have no power to refuse assent to Acts duly passed; none to make war or peace without consent; no standing army, only a national militia; no judge or sheriff to sit in Parliament; and lastly, if the monarch should break any such limitations once accepted, he or she should forfeit the crown and Parliament choose a successor.
All this was not accepted without a fight, many fights. And it took days. But thanks to skilful timing as well as advocacy, and the fairly consistent Country Party vote, some of the most far-reaching, democratic, indeed almost revolutionary improvements in the long story of Scottish government were agreed upon and established as law - once they had received the royal assent, to be sure. The effect was to make the Scots Parliament supreme, to establish the will of the people - or at least their representatives - as superior to the will of the monarch. It was all too much for many; and time and again Queensberry adjourned the sessions in alarm and wrath. But by seeming to concede small points, to retreat here and to compromise there, but never departing from basic principles, Andrew, ably backed by Belhaven, Tweeddale, Annandale, Baillie of Jerviswood and Lockhart of Carnwath, even the Duke of Hamilton on occasion, got his limitations voted through. And when they were summed up in the final Act of Security, the reformers had won by a clear seventy-two votes, utter government defeat, even with the Duke of Marlborough and other English-based peers against.
The assembly went wild with excitement, delight and consternation. Never had there been so great a victory against reaction, such trouncing of the administration, in living memory.
After vainly trying to restore order, Chancellor and High Commissioner announced adjournment and hurried out. Andrew, Belhaven, Roxburghe and even the Duke of Hamilton, found themselves hurled upon by the crowd of yelling, laughing legislators and carried shoulder-high round the hall - to great ducal offence.
When at length Andrew struggled free it was to find himself clutched in a different kind of embrace, as Margaret flung herself into his arms.
"Oh, Andrew, Andrew - you did it!" she cried. "You won, you won. You were magnificent! I am so proud of you. At last you have shown them! Dear, dear Andrew!"
He held her tight, there before them all, for a moment - and then all but thrust her back towards the grinning Henry. "Thank you - thank you all!" he panted. "It is good, yes. But . . . there is much to be done yet. This is only the start. There is the royal assent, mark you! And other reforms. There will have to be many more votes and fights. But I think that we shall win through. Aye, I think it now . . ."
Part Five
21
"I knew a very wise man once, who believed that if a man were permitted to make all the ballads, he need not care who should make the laws of a nation," Andrew observed. "Although, myself, I have spent much time seeking to make and improve laws - as have you all - I am prepared to admit that my old friend may have been right. So I accept Sir Christopher's sentiment as to the decay of morals and growths of vice as exemplified by these lewd songs and infamous ballads he deplores. They are but a symbol of a deeper malaise, I am sure."
"Aye, that is the point," Bishop Burnet asserted. "It is the spiritual decadence which produces the corruption of manners and these wretched songs, lampoons and ungodly talk which we hear on every hand, in every street and club and tavern of this city, even in the House itself. So I do not see that your former mentor could be right, Andrew. It is not the songs which produce the sin but the sin which produces the songs! So where the gain in writing the ballads as against improving the laws?"
"And yet what men sing and say and show forth in their daily conduct must affect as well as reflect their inner selves and morals," Andrew held. "So the making of a nation's songs could indeed influence men greatly - and by songs I include so much more, the arts and poetry and literature of the day. Surely it is in the decline of these arts, the graces of your nation, that Sir Christopher bewails and sees as the mirror of your troubles - troubles which we in Scotland by no means escape, although ours take different shape."
"Exactly," Musgrave agreed. "The decline of the graces of the nation - that is apt. England's graces are indeed in sad decline. Who are the folk who today make most noise in this city of London? Gamesters, stock-jobbers, jockeys and wagerers! From London they infest all the places of diversion in England and may be justly called the missionaries of this city . . . !"
"Rubbish!" Sir Edward Seymour interrupted with a snort. "Nonsense, man! These are but the froth on the surface, to be blown away. The brew beneath is sound enough, as good as ever." He took a deep draught of his brimming beaker of ale, to emphasise his point. "England is not in decline. Scotland may be, I well believe - but England is as England was and will be. Sound, I say! And be damned to your gloomy maunderings! When you have as many years and as much experience of affairs under that wig of yours as have I, you will learn to let them speak of England rather than your poetic vapourings!" And he belched, deeply, out of long practice.
"And as much beer under your belt - which can also speak quite loud!" Burnet added, but genially, as became their host.
Sir Christopher Musgrave did not make retort. As the comparatively new Member for Carlisle and a courteous man of liberal views, he forbore to challenge the former Speaker of the House of Commons, twice his age. But his colour rose a little and the fingers toying with his wine-glass quivered.
"Your troubles in Scotland, Mr. Fletcher?" he said, turning. "Are they as ill as we hear? Great poverty, even starvation? Certainly in Carlisle we see large numbers of vagrants and folk in sorry state coming over the Border . . ."
"Aye, flooding the country, by God!" Seymour exclaimed. "A scurvy, abject tide! It should be stopped, I say. There's a law which should be passed, and without delay, instead of worrying about your damned songs! All beggarly Scots to be sent back whence they came. I've told Godolphin so. It's a scandal!"
"And yet you, sir, I am told, support this policy for a union!" Andrew charged, striving to keep his voice under control. "Surely, if you are so hot against the Scots, you should not seek to join us?"
"Join you, sir? God forbid! All we seek is an end to this everlasting bickering and folly. Your intransigence towards Her Majesty. The threats and petty posturing of your so-called parliament . . . !"
"Ah come, Sir Edward - it is more than that," the Bishop protested. "Better than that. We aim at an altogether better relationship between the two nations, at a healing of old wounds. At a productive partnership instead of age-old hostility. Our purpose is a noble one, unity instead of strife. And to Scotland's great benefit."
Andrew did not fail to note that 'we' and 'our' in his old tutor's assertion. To be sure, Burnet was now one of the spiritual peers of England, a member of the House of Lords. Presumably he was sincere and honest in what he said. But he sounded sadly like an Englishman, not a Scot any more.
The four of them sat in the Bishop's pleasant chamber of his London lodging near Whitehall, overlooking the busy Thames. Andrew was on a visit to London, where he had come mainly to see William Paterson, who was now settled in London again, at Queen's Square, Westminster, in connection with trying to wind up finally the affairs of the ill-fated Darien venture; but also, quietly, to seek information and sound out opinion on matters political connected with Scotland. He was staying with Paterson; but Burnet had suggested that he meet privately these two quite influential Members of Parliament, as representing two very different attitudes in the Commons, Tory and Whig, although perhaps neither was entirely typical.
"And if Scotland does not desire this union?" he asked, reasonably. It was no part of his objective to try to convert these people - hopeless a task as that would be with Seymour at least. It was in
formation that he sought, on a number of aspects of the situation - for Scotland was full of rumours, some of them dire.
"Ah, Scotland will learn the rights of the matter, Andrew," Burnet declared. "At the moment there may be doubts and misgivings. But these can fairly readily be set at rest. Scotland's real interests are not threatened - quite the reverse. And the gain in trade and commerce and prosperity will be very great and much needed."
"Of that I would wish to be assured. But even so, there is more than trade and moneys to be considered here. Are there not matters of the spirit as well as of the pocket and the belly?
Independence, freedom, national pride, the management of our own affairs ... ?"
"Do not tell me that such things weigh with the starveling Scots, above the full bellies we can give them! Aye, and the full pockets of those who will make the decisions!" Seymour broke in. "Whether our good English money is well spent is another matter. But there will be no lack of takers, I assure you, Fletcher - already there are!"
Andrew bit back retorts - for this was part of what he had come to try to find out, allegations of massive bribery from London. "Surely you are not right in that, sir?" he said carefully.
"You think not? Then little you know of your own folk, sirrah. Your lords have their hands stretched for gold, even if only behind their backs! To vote accordingly. These dogs, I swear, will not bite the hand that feeds them!"
"One or two, perhaps. Some are for the union anyway. Stair and Loudoun and their friends. But not many, not of those who will decide the issue. These would not sell their country for gold."
"Men will sell their mothers for gold! More especially Scotchmen! Oh, it can be dressed up, for the nice - pensions, offices of profit, green ribbons of the Thistle, even seats in our English House of Lords, I've heard. You, Bishop, will know about that?"
"One hears idle talk," Burnet said, frowning.
"Is £20,000 idle talk? I have it on the best authority that the Queen sanctioned Godolphin to send that sum to Scotland, to pay these hucksters not to obstruct the union."
"Sent to whom, sir?" Andrew demanded, voice quivering.
"Why to your ministers, to be sure. Who else? That Seafield, your Chancellor, is but a blank sheet of paper on which to write the terms of this union! But at a price - oh yes, at a price!"
"The government is different now. From what it was. Perhaps you have forgot? Since the ministry was outvoted at the last Parliament, new men have been brought in - Tweed-dale, Roxburghe, Marchmont, Mar, Lothian. Seafield is still Chancellor, yes - but the colour of the ministry is changed. These are friends of my own . . ."
"You think so, man? You are an innocent then, I say. I wager that you will find your precious friends will all be voting with their pockets when it comes to the day - your Roxburghes and Marchmonts and the rest."
"Damn you, sir" Andrew burst out. "I'll thank you to spare my friends your calumnies in my presence! I will not sit here". . ."
"Andrew! Andrew - a mercy!" Burnet exclaimed. "In my house we'll have none of this! Seymour - spare us your spleen, I beg of you. This is no way to behave, and serves nothing. . ."
Sir Christopher Musgrave sought to aid his host. "Mr. Fletcher - what ails you so much against this union? It can only be for the good of your country and people. The poorer allying with the richer can only gain."
"Poor in what, sir? In money and numbers, perhaps. But not in spirit, in skills and enterprise, even in land and its products."
"Even so, will a union destroy these? Will it not rather give them added value? Surely it must widen your opportunities, increase your trade and therefore your wealth. And so offer a better life for your folk?"
"At the price of our independence, our ancient freedom to decide our own fate? Tell me, Sir Christopher — is this why England has become so anxious for union? To widen Scotland's opportunities and increase her trade and prosperity? England scarce took that line over our Darien venture! Is it not that you see it to England's advantage? England has been trying to swallow up Scotland for seven centuries. She could not do it by force of arms - so now she seeks to do it by trade and money. Do not let us pretend that it is all care for Scotland's benefit."
"Oh, England will gain also, to be sure. That is the excellence of it. Like a true marriage, it will benefit both. An end to war and strife, suspicion and envy."
"This marriage will not be made in heaven, I think - but in the back-rooms of this Westminster! And why? Why now, of a sudden? I will tell you - although you all know. Because of fear. You English fear the separation of the crowns, when Anne dies. You fear that Scotland, with her own King again could ally with France, your enemy, as she has done in the past - the Auld Alliance. You fear that she could challenge you overseas, in colonies and trading enterprises - as at Darien, which you destroyed, in fear. With the King in London's help! You fear for your monopolies and foreign trade, fear us as rivals. It is the Succession which has brought your fever for union. It is since the Scots Parliament passed its Act of Security, which Queen Anne has refused to ratify. Deny it if you can?"
"We do not have to deny it, man," Seymour declared. "Certainly it was that foolish and treacherous Act which finally forced this policy upon us. Opened the eyes of all England to the dangers, the threat of secession."
"Secession, sir? How can an independent nation secede? Secede from what? We share a crown, by accident of royal birth - that is all. Because your Elizabeth Tudor did not marry and beget an heir. So our Scots King James mounted her throne. How then could Scotland secede by choosing a different monarch when Anne has no heir?"
"This is a profitless discussion, Andrew," Burnet said. "I had hoped that we could arrive at some common ground, some useful compromise which we might put to our colleagues. Not this opening of old wounds . . ."
"There is common ground," Musgrave insisted. "Surely Mr. Fletcher will not deny this - the Jacobite and Catholic threat? We hear all too much of this, these days - and Scotland is the weak link in our Protestant chain of defence. We know that King Louis will put the young James Stewart, whom he calls the Chevalier de St. George, on both his father's thrones, if he can, and restore the rule of Rome in these islands thereafter. He will start with Scotland, where the Catholic Highlands are, we are told, solid for James. This is why we must have a Protestant succession assured - and there is none save the prince in Hanover."
"Again I take issue with you, Sir Christopher. I hope that I am as stout a Protestant as you, however unworthy. But, first, I do not agree that there is no other Protestant of the Scots blood-royal, save George of Hanover. And second, that the Highlands are solidly Catholic or for James. Although a Hanoverian on Scotland's throne might make them so!"
"Damn it, man - do you expect us to believe that?" Seymour broke in. "When it is common knowledge that your Highlands are a hot-bed of Jacobite intrigue. And being armed from France. Our every informant tells us so. Why think you your Atholl was made duke and given his £1,000, if not to try to buy him away from that seditious crew?"
"Atholl . . . ? £1,000 . . . ? You cannot mean me to believe that... ?"
"Indeed I do. His share of the £20,000 I spoke of. And there are others - Breadalbane, they say. I say it is a waste of good money. But there is no doubting the Highland Catholic threat. This man Lovat is busy, always. Like a weaver's shuttle between France and London and the North. And there is said to be another, one MacGregor - Robert MacGregor that some call Campbell for some reason. Atholl's agent. Or Breadalbane's - God knows which! But going round amongst the clans, distributing French louis d'ors to buy arms."
"You sound very knowledgeable about our Highland affairs, Sir Edward. How is that, I wonder?"
"Oh, we are not complete fools, here in London, sir. We have our sources of information. As I say, Scots - or most of them - can be bought! So we keep our ears to the ground."
"H'rr'mm," Burnet looked uncomfortable. "I think we are treading dangerous ground again - not the common ground I spoke of. What is common, And
rew, is that what is best for our two nations in the long term should be decided upon, and our differences resolved. To that end we must all work."
"But you, my lord Bishop . . ." and it was not often that Andrew called his old tutor that ". . . are, it seems, now firm for union?"
"Yes, Andrew, I think that I am. I hope with God's guidance."
"Is this the same God you taught me to worship as a lad, at Saltoun, I wonder . . . ?"
That broke up the little gathering effectively.
Later, in William Paterson's house in Queen's Square, Andrew put it to this other friend - who also now seemed convinced that union was the only answer, with commercial rather than heavenly guidance, presumably - that with his financial links with London government, he could discover what truth might be in these bribery allegations, and who was getting what. For surely, even if he believed in union, he would not wish it to be built on corrupt foundations? Paterson was doubtful about that, not unnaturally, but defended the £20,000 grant to the Joint Secretaries of State, now Mar and Roxburghe, for Scots aid and compensation. After all, Scotland had lost grievously by English action, over Darien; and £20,000 was a mere drop in the bucket. He himself was working on a vastly more ambitious project, to aid his native country, seeking to gain Treasury agreement to a payment of the equivalent of the Scots losses in that venture, their financial losses that is. He was negotiating for as much as half a million pounds sterling - although he might have to accept a little less - which sum would surely greatly help to put Scots trade and commerce back on its feet?
"How is it, my friend, that these hard-headed English politicians and money-men are prepared to listen to you singing that sort of song? When they so scurvily sank your Darien venture?"
The Patriot Page 35
