by Nigel West
The incriminating information about Perez had appeared impressive. Apart from Baticon, who said Perez received a large salary from the Germans, there was also some documentary evidence. The Paraguayan consul in Barcelona and Abwehr agent Andrés Blay, arrested in Trinidad, had been found to be carrying a letter of introduction to Perez; the search of another courier revealed Perez’s police staff record, which showed his enthusiastic collaboration with the Gestapo in Stuttgart in 1936, and several reports that Perez was supervising a group of Ybarra Line ships’ stewards to take secret correspondence to and from Europe. In the absence of anything more specific in ISOS, beyond a reference to Perez’s reliability in handling couriers, there was a significant allegation made by the FBI on the basis of information received by a source in Buenos Aires concerning the EFE Spanish news agency. The FBI reported that the German Trans-Ocean News Service wanted to appoint a nominee to run a powerful EFE transmitter located outside Buenos Aires as an alternative communications link in the event that the Argentine government severed relations with Germany.
In his initial interrogation the 46-year-old Perez, who acknowledged being a member of the Dirección General de Seguridad, and a police officer since 1921, claimed that he had served as an aide to the Spanish ambassador in Berlin, Admiral Magaz, from the end of 1938, and then had accompanied him when the envoy was transferred to Buenos Aires.
However, when questioned at Camp 020, a rather different picture of Perez emerged, and although he turned out to be ‘a walking encyclopedia of German (and Spanish) activities in Buenos Aires’ his interrogators concluded that he ‘has never undertaken any major work on behalf of the Axis but he has nevertheless given much valuable assistance on a seemingly small way, to many outstanding personages in the Axis espionage network’ and ‘his knowledge of German activities in Buenos Aires has been considerable from his earliest days in that city’.
Nevertheless, the Spanish foreign minister pressed Anthony Eden for access to Perez, requests that were denied, partly because of the assurance given to the FBI’s representative in London, John Cimperman, that Perez would remain in British custody until the end of the war, but mainly because some of the information against him had come from another Spaniard who was an FBI double-agent in Buenos Aires. Any leak from Camp 020 would have placed this asset in jeopardy but nevertheless the ambassador in London, the Duke of Alba, was offered an interview with Perez, although he declined. Perez was kept in custody until August 1945, when he was transported with eleven other Spanish detainees from Portsmouth to Gibraltar on HMS Glasgow and released.
Perez’s fellow detainee at Camp 020 was Joaquin Ruiz, and he too had been arrested in Trinidad when, as second officer on the Cabo de Hornos, he arrived in Port of Spain, having been compromised in ISOS traffic on the Bilbao–Madrid circuit, which reported his recruitment by the Abwehr in March 1942 as ‘Agent 5951’. A quite separate source, described as an SIS agent of unknown reliability, also indicated that when the ship had docked in Cádiz an illicit wireless transmitter had been concealed in August 1943 in the ceiling of the ship’s third-class passenger saloon, and Ruiz had an unknown accomplice, probably a passenger. Accordingly, Ruiz was arrested when the radio was found in the hiding place described, but his co-conspirator was never identified. He was interrogated by Eric Goodacre, who deliberately gave the impression that the apparatus, together with a large quantity of cigarettes, had been uncovered during a routine Contraband Control rummage. Examination of the transmitter showed it to be constructed with Telefunken components, but there was a suspicion that it had been hidden on a previous voyage, and had been left on board because of tight security at Buenos Aires. Nevertheless, the ISOS material alone was more than enough to outweigh Ruiz’s strenuous denials.
Ruiz, who turned out to be the nephew of Ybarra’s general manager, was sent to England on the SS Empire Settler, together with his fellow detainees Oscar Leihr, a steward, Miguel Moreno, and another officer, José Pujana, and all three eventually signed confessions.
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The Italian attack on Allied shipping referred to in the report, which had prompted a visit by Lord Rothschild while embarking on a tour of the Middle East, did not take place on 1 August as claimed, but two days later on the night of 3/4 August when three teams of divers successfully placed limpet mines on the American freighter Harrison Gray Otis, the British merchantman Stanridge and the Norwegian Thorshovdi. Although the British authorities were unaware of it at the time, the enemy divers had been based on the Olterra, an interned 5,000-ton Italian oil tanker moored in Algeciras and equipped with underwater hatches that enabled a team of twelve Italian frogmen to conduct underwater sabotage operations in the locality.
In December 1941 two teams of Italian frogmen had attached mines to a pair of moored battleships, HMS Valiant and Queen Elizabeth, and these had detonated causing extensive damage. Two of the saboteurs were captured, but neither cooperated with their interrogators.1
In another operation, in December 1942, divers had swum to the battleship HMS Nelson and the carriers Formidable and Furious. This had resulted in the death of two of the divers and the capture of two others by British patrol boats, but the prisoners insisted they had come from a submarine so the Olterra’s role would remain undiscovered until the Italian capitulation in September 1943.
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The case of COLOMBINE, as described to Churchill, concerned Obersturmführer Hans-Walter Zech-Nenntwich, an SS officer who had defected to the British after his arrival in Sweden. According to Zech-Nenntwich, he was part of an opposition group within Germany that included Eva Braun’s brother-in-law, Hermann Fegelein, and accordingly he would be employed as a radio broadcaster on ‘black propaganda’ programmes transmitted by Tom Sefton Delmer from Woburn Abbey. However, after the war a rather different story emerged.
While Zech-Nenntwich had acknowledged the various Waffen SS units in which he had served, he omitted to mention some of the atrocities he had engaged in, such as the massacre by the 2nd SS Cavalry of 5,000 Jews at Pinsk in the summer of 1941. In his version Zech-Nenntwich had described how he had refused to participate in the arrest and transportation of Jewish children, which had led to his imprisonment by the Gestapo in Warsaw, and to a death sentence. Allegedly he had acquired some false documents while in prison and had escaped to Sweden under the alias Hermann Bottcher. While in Stockholm, when he stayed with Count Folke Bernadotte, he was introduced to the Swedish military intelligence service, and later made contact with the British military attaché, Colonel R. Sutton Pratt, who sponsored his flight to London on 20 October 1943.
In England Zech-Nenntwich had been interrogated by MI5’s Brian Melland and by the legendary Klop Ustinov, to whom he admitted having joined the Nazi Party before 1933. He was also questioned in February 1944 by Major Waldemar Caroe about what he knew of the Katyn massacre, and he placed the blame fully on the Soviets. Finally, he was cleared for work with the Political Warfare Executive, but he was not entirely trusted by his colleagues and, using the alias Dr Sven Nansen, was kept separated from most of them. Later in 1944 he was switched to the interrogation of German prisoners of war. In November 1945 he returned to Germany and found a liaison job in Rhine-Westphalia, but in 1950 he was convicted of corruption and imprisoned. He was later thought to be employed as an agent by the US CIA and the Federal German Bundesnachrichtendienst, and attracted adverse publicity when, as the self-styled Baron Zech-Nenntwich, he was divorced from a much younger American heiress. In April 1964 he was convicted of his participation in war crimes committed in Poland during 1941 and sentenced to four years’ imprisonment, but four days later escaped from custody in Brunswick and fled to Cairo. He returned voluntarily in August 1964 and received an additional thirty months’ imprisonment. Upon his release he lived in Remagen until his death, widely regarded as an untrustworthy adventurer and opportunist.
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The tantalising reference to the French nobleman Gabriel Dillebaule de Chaffault conceals a remarkab
le case of German espionage involving a series of interrogation at Camp 020 that continued from 10 September to 4 October 1943, amounting to ten interviews and twenty-six individual statements made by the prisoner.
On 15 August 1943 de Chaffault was arrested aboard the Spanish vessel Monte Ayala in Gibraltar on a voyage to Montevideo. He was detained and transferred to Glasgow on the troopship Cameronia, which had sailed in a convoy from Egypt. When questioned in Gibraltar de Chaffault admitted only to having taken 4,000 pesetas from the Germans, and to possession of secret writing material and a cover address.
The de Chaffault family was from Veretz, near Tours, and Gabriel’s father Jacques had been a diplomat until his dismissal in 1934 by the Laval government when he was chargé d’affaires in Rio de Janeiro. In August 1939 he was called up by the unit in which he had undertaken his military service, the 309th Artillery Regiment, but was evacuated from Dunkirk, taken to Cherbourg and demobilised in August 1940 at Carcassonne, when he returned to his parents’ home. In February 1941 he moved to Blida in Algeria, but went back in February 1942 at the request of his father, a German sympathiser, who introduced him to some of his contacts. They invited him to Paris in June 1942 to visit the Sicherheitsdienst headquarters in the Avenue Victor Hugo, where he was recruited as an agent. He had acquiesced to the SD’s proposal because he was anyway anxious to travel to Uruguay, where he was engaged to marry a family friend, Yvonne Mola, the daughter of Professor Mola, a physician resident in Montevideo. After several failed attempts, de Chaffault obtained a visa for Uruguay and joined the Monte Ayala in Bilbao on 5 August to sail to Gijon, Vigo and Lisbon before reaching Gibraltar on 15 August. Having embarked, deChaffault hid his money and secret writing material in his cabin, where they remained undiscovered until the ship docked at Montevideo.
Upon arrival at Glasgow de Chaffault was escorted to Camp 020 for interrogation, where he remained until his deportation in June 1945.
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As for Joseph Janssens, who had been destined for an Abwehr mission to the Congo, he was flown to Poole, questioned at the London Reception Centre, transferred the next day to Camp 020 and repatriated in February 1945, but his case was not quite as clear-cut as Petrie’s summary suggested. Born in Antwerp in May 1905, Janssens had come to London as a refugee during the Great War, and had been educated at St Aloysius College in Highgate, but had returned home to work as a shoe salesman in a shop he ran with his brother in the rue Leys.
MI5 first heard of Janssens when an adverse interrogation report from the DSO Trinidad in November 1942, provided by one Robert Lebedoff, identified both brothers as Gestapo informants. Coincidentally, Janssens would later mention Lebedoff, a Belgian Jew with a textile firm in the rue St Hubert, as someone with whom he had traded in currencies, and could vouch for his patriotism.
Then more than a dozen ISOS decrypts referred to an agent code-named JACQUES, and this led to confusion with Frank Steiner, who shared the same Abwehr cryptonym. Both spies were run by the Brussels Abstellen, at the same time, taking much the same route though the Iberian Peninsula, so no wonder the SIS analysts in St Albans, reading the traffic, mixed up the two JACQUES. One message in February 1943 had suggested that JACQUES, a Belgian agent, was probably in Madrid and was planning to embark on a mission to Uruguay. Several other intercepts followed, but they were not associated with Janssens until he was searched in London and found to be carrying a cover address in Madrid, Ezequiel Murietta Llanna, 11 Nuñez de Balboa, already compromised in four other cases, including that of Frank Steiner:
12.12.43Madrid–Berlin. ERIZO for MARTIN. For GRUBE (Belgium) Ref. 1368 (32 Letters corrupt) entry into Uruguay has requested an influential friend resident there for his acquiescence by wire would like to speed up the matter and requests permission to (rest Corrupt).
15.4.43Madrid–Berlin. For MARTIN from Belgium (GRUBE) Ref (your message MARTIN) ALFON(S) R no. 25781 of 31st March. In re A 1368 from BELGIUM (Grube).
1) Prospects of journey to SILO unfavourable. Departure (of) KONGO planned for 5th May. 2) A 1368 asks for sanction for payment of 1500 pesetas for special expenses apart from monthly increase. 3) Consider a final discussion between A 1568 and Kpt. GARBER of BELGIUM (Grube) to be necessary. Report by W/T requested. KOSP.
7.4.43Berlin–Madrid. For MARQUES Ref (above message 13/4). GRUBE (Belgium) advises ref your message: I N GRUBE will travel to METRO (Madrid) with money and instructions if operation CONGO really possible on 3/5. Otherwise send A 1568 to GRUBE at once 1500 pesetas sanctioned for special expenses. MARTIN ALFONS.
19.4.43Madrid–Berlin. To MARTIN for GRUBE (Belgium) Your message of 17/4 (not recd) A I368 will possibly leave the country via WEINBERG (Portugal) at the end of April. We expect a visit from I M (Kan) from GRUBE (Belgium) on 25/4. KOSP.
30/4/43Madrid–Berlin. For MARTIN to be forwarded to GRUBE (Belgium) A I368 has a chance of leaving on 5th May by means of illegal Belgian organisation via VIGO to LISA (Lisbon). Journey to be continued on 15 May from LISA to BELGIAN CONGO for operation in MATADI or BOMA. Total expenses 30,000 escudos and jewels to value of 2000 Reichsmark already brought to METRO (Madrid). Will report in writing by secret ink to 3 good Spanish cover addresses. Delivery of foreign currency and jewels assured through KOP. There is a prospect of success. Permission (remainder c. 80 letters corrupt).
3.5.43Berlin–Madrid. For SOUZA for GRUBE (Belgium). representative. Ref. your message of 1/5. employment – 1368 sanctioned, LUDOVICO is receiving from this end instructions to pay out the amount required, MARTIN – ALFONS. BERTA
May 1943Berlin–Lisbon. For LUDOVICO. Please pay to A 1368 who has been sent to your end by SOMOZA 30,000 escudos. Amount is to be reclaimed through settlement in books at Stelle BELGIUM (Grube). HIOB ZF 74.
4.6.43Madrid–Berlin. For MARTIN. For GRUBE (Belgium). American citizen MICHED who has arrived here and is a friend of JACQUES reports that both were arrested in Oporto because of unsatisfactory papers and taken to LISA (Lisbon) from where MICHEL was able to escape to Spain, Written report follows.
1.7.43Lisbon–Berlin. To MARTIN. For ALFONS. Ref ALFONSO 22772 of 20th March 43 and our message 488 of 8th April (not recd.) JACQUES appeared on the evening of the 28th June with WEINBART (Portugal) Secret Policeman at LEVANTINO’s house. No announcement of his arrival in LISA (Lisbon) had been received. He had not rung up before (putting in an appearance). It is alleged that JACQUES was flown to GOLFPLATZ (England) on the instructions of the GRUBE (Belgium) KONTO at this end. Later on 28th June, JACQUES asked for Devisen and other material to be deposited in his name at the GRUBE KONTOR at this end. JACQUES believes he will be able after a 4 weeks stay in GOLFPLATZ (England) to continue his journey in the area of operation. KOP fears he may be detained and called up in GOLFPLATZ. Please advise us whether it would be advisable to make a deposit at the GRUBE KONTOR. LUDOVICO leiter I.
12.7.43Lisbon–Berlin. To MARTIN for ALFONS. Ref. message (not to hand). SOMOZA wishes us to inform him by W/T about contacting JACQUES. Please instruct us concerning depositing. Contents of Msg. referred to are being sent to SOMOZA today. LUDOVICO Leiter I.
15.7.43Berlin–Lisbon. For LUDOVICO Leiter I. Your message 819 of 1/7 incomprehensible. Message ALFONS 22772 referred to concerns V-Mann JACQUES from KAESEREI (Netherlands) who according to your report left for the zone of operation on 14/4. Your message 488 deals with V-Mann BERNARD from GRUBE (Belgium) who has not yet left the country. The man mentioned in your message 819 is probably identical with V-Mann JACK (A I368) from GRUBE who was dispatched from METRO (Madrid) and who according to SOMOZA report (message 116) was arrested in Porto. What does BOSNIA mean? Please reply by W/T ALFONS. B no 54180.
18.7.43Madrid–Berlin. To MARTIN for ALFONS. Please pass same text to LINA (Lisbon) for DIAZ ref LINA (Lisbon) messages 163 and 168 (not recd) It is not advisable to deposit Davison and other documents at the GRUBE (Belgium) office at your end. Do not hand over documents until JACQUES appears at the contact-address at your end only after thorough interrogation,
if the continuation of his journey appears credible. The V-Mann has at present no possibility of reporting as he has lost his sticks (staebchen). In the envelope handed over to you there are five stick-heads staebchenkoebfe). It appears unlikely that the V-Mann will make contact at your end. GRUBE (Belgium) is being informed to the same effect. Agreement presumed at this end. KOSB.
Confronted (indirectly) with this evidence, Janssens made a confession, but he could not be prosecuted without the risk of compromising ISOS and Camp 020. MI5 concluded that the case:
… was not of practical importance. In espionage background it tends only to confirm information already in our possession. In contacts it does not lead to further arrests. From an investigation point of view, however, it is of passing interest because a risk was taken and was found justified.
In his interviews, in which he identified various German contacts, he listed 189 Avenue de Belgique as an Abwehr office in Brussels, which matched a building visited by José Pacheco.
Janssen’s journey to Lisbon had been interrupted by his arrest on 19 May 1943 in Oporto by the Portuguese police and his incarceration ay Aljube prison in Lisbon, having entered Portugal illegally from Spain the previous night. Ten days later he was moved to Caxias prison, where he remained until the evening of 28 June, when he was driven to the airport and put on a plane for Poole.
* * *
Although TRICYCLE had been active as a double-agent since his arrival in England in December 1940, Petrie’s first reference to him in September 1943 was at a time when he was still on the Continent, shuttling between Madrid and Portugal.
Code-named TRICYCLE by MI5 and SCOUT by SIS, Dusan Popov was the son of a wealthy Dubrovnik merchant who had read law at Freiberg University and had been recruited by his fellow student, Johannes Jebsen, for the Abwehr. His mission was to go to England as a spy, leaving Ivo and their youngest brother, Vlada, in Yugoslavia. Once in London Popov, code-named IVAN, was to make contact with a friend who Popov had claimed would be willing to gather information for the Nazis. In reality, no such person existed outside Popov’s fertile imagination.
