by Walt Gragg
A huge smile came to Cheninko’s face. It was obvious he was pleased with what he’d heard so far. “Deception, my dear Comrades, deception,” the Premier said.
There was relief on the four senior officers’ faces. Yovanovich’s boasts were making sense. And their date with the firing squad just might be averted.
Yovanovich glanced at the others. He found an audience in full appreciation of what was being presented. Six sets of eyes shone with the same belief. We will surprise our enemies. We will take Germany in five days.
Yovanovich had Cheninko exactly where he wanted him, and he knew it.
“Comrade Premier, unless there’s more you wish to hear about the first element of our plan, I’ll move on to the second phase—sabotage.”
“Please go on, General,” Cheninko said. “I’m eager to hear what else you’ve got in store for our enemies.”
“The West is particularly susceptible to sabotage. The Americans pride themselves upon their fancy computers and their sophisticated command and control. Yet in the past thirty-three years, they’ve done little to continue modernizing their infrastructure within Germany. They’re very vulnerable. In the 1980s, they’d begun a complete redesign of their communications by installing a digital fiber-optic system. When the Cold War ended, and they withdrew the majority of their forces from Germany, the modernization project was slowly phased out. The existing fiber-optic system is much too small to handle the huge increase in forces over the past two years, so they’ve had to reopen their microwave communication sites to handle 80 percent of their command and control needs. There is little or no redundancy. By knocking out a handful of critical communication facilities, we can isolate Germany in the first few hours. To make our task even easier, these communication facilities are on isolated mountaintops miles from the nearest combat units. Unbelievably, these facilities have no security systems whatsoever. With their strategic communication system destroyed at the beginning of the war, the Americans’ abilities to coordinate their efforts will be severely crippled. To aid in our efforts and cause further confusion, we also plan on destroying much of the German power grid, many of the primary German civilian communication systems, and as many cell towers as we can. We estimate that with over eighty million panicked Germans trying to use the cellular and landline systems, they will overwhelm the civilian communication network within hours of the start of the war.”
Yovanovich paused to allow Cheninko to grasp the importance of what he’d just said.
“Comrade Premier, chop off the head, and the serpent dies. We’ll isolate Germany in the first hours of battle. Without the ability to precisely coordinate their efforts, the inferior force we face on the ground will stand no chance. In the darkness of the first night, we’re going to sever the American head and watch our enemy wither and die.”
“Comrade General, is what you’re telling me true? Is it going to be that easy?”
“Let me make myself clear, Comrade Premier. I never said it was going to be easy. Nevertheless, during the past decades, the Americans have made themselves quite susceptible to the destruction of their ability to control a war in Germany. And they haven’t done nearly enough in the past few years to rectify that situation. We’re going to take advantage of that susceptibility.”
“Full advantage, Comrade Premier,” the Army Group North Commander added.
“As soon as we disrupt their command and control,” Yovanovich said, “we’ll buy ourselves a number of hours in which to destroy those assets that stand in the way of our victory. We’ll eliminate the Allied air bases and destroy the two pre-positioned armored divisions of weapons the Americans have waiting inside Germany for their reinforcements.”
“How do you propose we do that?” Cheninko said.
“I’ll get to that portion of the plan shortly, Comrade Cheninko. But first, let me address a significant point you need to be made aware of. With command and control in disarray and our attack taking place in the middle of the night, we’ll have six to eight hours of free rein. It’ll be at least that long before our enemy can mount any sort of coordinated counterattack.”
“Of his air forces also?” Cheninko asked.
“If our plan works, we should have that critical night before we’ll see significant air or ground forces. During those first confusing hours, we’ll sabotage his efforts further. And once we’ve brushed aside the American and British border forces, we’ll have those same hours for our armor to penetrate deep into the heart of Germany. Those first eight hours are critical. We’ll put ourselves in a position to win, or lose our chance for victory, in the darkness of the first night.”
Cheninko looked at his field marshals. “Then you’ll place yourself in such a position no matter what the cost.”
“Yes, Comrade Cheninko,” the Army Group Central Commander said. “It will be done. We’ll see to that.”
“It’s imperative that our divisions reach their objectives by sunrise of the first morning,” Yovanovich said. “From east to west, we must have seventy kilometers of operating area throughout the length of Germany. If not, we’ll be unable to disperse our massive army. And that would be fatal. By sunrise, no unit larger than company size can dare to remain together. We’re certain the American weapons of mass destruction will be used on any target larger than that.”
“Weapons of mass destruction, Comrade General?” Cheninko said. “Are you telling me the Americans will use nuclear weapons on our forces?”
“Comrade Premier, let me be perfectly clear. For nearly seventy years, the American strategy for defending Germany has included the liberal use of tactical nuclear weapons on the battlefield. We believe that given the opportunity, they’ll use them against us. The Americans are convinced their only chance of winning will be by using their vast tactical nuclear arsenal. And, Comrade Premier, the interesting thing is the Americans may be correct. That’s why our prime directive will be that there’ll be no massing of forces after the first sunrise. We cannot tempt the enemy by presenting such an inviting target to him. Even if he chooses not to use his nuclear capabilities, his conventional weapons will be brought to bear on any massed units. By dispersing our force so widely, we’ll greatly limit the Americans’ ability to unleash the power of his B-2 and B-52 bombers. And we’ll significantly reduce the effectiveness of his Tomahawk cruise missiles. Even so, our commanders won’t want to see what his attack helicopters, ground-attack aircraft, drones, and Multiple Launch Rocket Systems can do to any armored units they find.”
“Comrade General, you’ll tell our commanders that I’ll personally order their appearance before a firing squad if they violate that directive.”
“I’ll see to it, Comrade Premier. This brings us to the third phase of our plan—power. This phase will be completely coordinated with the sabotage phase. As our forces smash through the border, our sabotage teams will be disrupting the enemy’s ability to control the war. By dawn of the first day, we’ll have choked American command and control beyond its limits. With our air forces, we’ll then clear an air corridor. Through this corridor, five airborne divisions will fly into the heart of Germany to destroy the NATO airfields, eliminate the American pre-positioned armored equipment, and capture every bridge over the Rhine River between France and Germany.”
“Why not send our airborne soldiers in at the moment we attack?” Cheninko said. “Why wait until morning, giving the enemy a chance to get organized?”
“My staff looked at such a proposal, Comrade Premier. There were a number of problems involved in attacking with our airborne forces at the beginning of the battle. Remember, the attack will come in the middle of the worst night of winter weather we can find. The weather and darkness alone would cost us half our airborne force. And don’t forget that the targets are deep within Germany. Even with surprise on our side, enemy aircraft would knock down many of our transports before they reached our airborne soldiers’ jumping
point. Those the enemy air forces didn’t destroy, their Patriot missiles would feast upon. My staff estimates that less than 20 percent of our men would make it to their targets.”
“But still, the element of surprise would be far greater with an airborne assault in darkness.”
“Comrade Premier, such a plan won’t succeed. The answer is an early-morning jump on the first day after we’ve secured the heavens. We’ll still lose as much as 40 percent of our forces. But we anticipate success, even with such losses.”
“Do the rest of you agree with General Yovanovich’s analysis of the situation?”
“Yes, Comrade Premier,” each said.
“All right, I’m not completely convinced. But I’ll leave that decision in your capable hands, Yovanovich. Use our airborne forces as you see fit.”
“Thank you, Comrade Premier. With the success of the airborne attacks, the sabotage phase is completed by noon of the first day. Well before that time, we’ll have crushed the token enemy forces that control the border. And we’ll be deeply into the power phase of the operation. Once our tanks break through the heavily forested border, we’ll enter an area of Germany that is farmland and small villages. The enemy’s ability to stop our advance will be greatly lessened in this open country. The moment the lead elements clear the border, two-thirds of our reserves will rush forward. If everything goes as planned, nearly one hundred of our divisions will be inside Germany by sunrise.”
Cheninko’s smile grew even wider. “One hundred armored divisions rolling into Germany. What a sweet sight that’ll be.”
“By dawn of the first morning, our tanks will be in Berlin and Nuremberg. We’ll also have broken through and surrounded East Germany. We’ll accomplish that task by sending a sizable force into the thirty-kilometer area north and south of the German town of Selb. It’s at this point that the British and American forces meet. Once they penetrate the border, those divisions will turn straight north to isolate the East.”
“East Germany will be in our hands on the first morning. Yovanovich, your plan is so much more than I could have hoped for.”
“I’m flattered, Comrade Premier. My staff has worked day and night to ensure our victory. They’ll be thrilled to hear of your compliments. As I stated before, sometime on the first morning, we’ll finally encounter a strong armored defense. When that occurs, we’ll maintain an unrelenting pressure on our opponent. For every tank we lose, another will come forward to take its place. And another will move forward to take that one’s place, and another will move forward, and so on. Our enemy is well trained and powerful. But he has few reserves. For every tank we destroy, for every helicopter we shoot down, there’ll be no replacement. We will never allow our opponent a single moment to breathe. Under our constant pressure, the enemy lines will crumble.”
“And when they do, the Germans will learn what happens to those who chose to follow such an evil path.”
“Yes, Comrade Premier. By noon of the first day, more than one million of our soldiers will be inside Germany. Thirty thousand tanks will be rolling west. We’ll have solidified our hold on East Germany. And we’ll be well inside the western half of the country. Because of the heroic efforts of our airborne soldiers, the enemy air bases within Germany will be no more.”
“By noon of the first day. Remarkable, Comrade General.”
“By the end of the first day, our tanks will surround Munich. At sunset on the third day, we’ll enter Frankfurt. We won’t be stopped.”
“Wonderful, Comrade General. Your plans for our ground forces appear to be very well developed. But you’ve made no mention of our navies. What about their role?”
“Comrade Premier, as you directed, this war is for a single purpose. Our intent is to do nothing more than free the German people from the Nazis. For that reason, the navy’s role is a limited one. Although no one could deny that it’s certainly important. When the war begins, our navies will destroy any American ships they find in the Black Sea. They’ll then block the Black Sea from any further entrance by our enemies. They’ll also attempt to block the Baltic Sea and our Pacific coast from attacks upon the Motherland. Finally, a significant submarine force will rush into the Atlantic. Their orders will be to find and destroy any American aircraft carriers attempting to cross to support their countrymen.”
“Very good, Yovanovich.”
“Comrade Premier, there’s a final phase to our plan—diplomacy. It’s every bit as important as the combined power of our military. It cannot be overlooked. As I stated earlier, this part of our plan must begin immediately. You must tone down the tenor of your speeches. For the next seven weeks, you’ve got to treat the Americans as if they’re our brothers, and the Germans like a long-lost cousin. Concessions will be hinted at. Talks will begin. We’ll make it look like everything the West desperately wants is coming true.”
“Yes, Yovanovich. If it’ll destroy the Nazis, I’ll do all those things and more. For the next seven weeks, I’ll rock our enemies to sleep with a lullaby. Music that is soft and sweet to the Western ear.”
“At the moment of our attack, our NATO country ambassadors will present an unmistakable demand—stay out of the dispute between the Soviet people and the despicable Nazis or suffer the consequences.”
“Do you believe such an approach will succeed?” Cheninko asked. As he had already mentioned, he was well aware of the tremendous American airpower in England, Spain, Italy, Greece, and Turkey. No one needed to tell him that those forces were a definite threat to his country’s ability to win the war.
“I’ve spoken at length with our diplomats, Comrade Cheninko. Faced with the prospect of a Nazi Germany and our threat to destroy them next, they assured me that at the very least Belgium, the Netherlands, Norway, Greece, and Turkey will agree. The Italians and Spanish will be more difficult. But in the end, we believe they’ll also see the light. We don’t know about the French. The Americans, British, and Canadians will, of course, refuse.”
“After what the American President said on television last night, there can be no doubt of that,” Cheninko said.
“No doubt at all, Comrade Cheninko. But nevertheless, no matter what the Americans do, you must remember one thing—we will take Germany in five days!” There was supreme confidence in Yovanovich’s voice.
Cheninko’s response was quieter but also unwavering. “Yes, Yovanovich, we’ll take Germany in five days.”
“So we’ve your permission, Comrade Premier, to put our plan into motion?”
“Yes, begin preparing for this operation immediately. Attack in late January or early February. Destroy the Germans once and for all.”
That night, for the first time in many months, Cheninko’s nightmares of the horrors a Nazi Germany presented to his country didn’t appear to disturb his tortured sleep. The Russian Premier slept like a baby.
• • •
At 11:45 on the evening of January 28, in every NATO country except Germany, the Soviet Ambassador presented himself to the head of state. The announcement was made that the Russians were only interested in protecting themselves against any further threat from the Nazis. All were assured there was no intent to do anything but stop the Germans. The Soviet grievance was with Germany and Germany alone.
Each leader was told if they helped the Americans fly a single aircraft against the Warsaw Pact, they would be next after the Russians finished with the Germans. As had been predicted, Turkey, Greece, the Netherlands, Norway, and Belgium complied with the ultimatum. They had little choice. Italy and Spain wavered. Neither officially agreed to the Soviet terms. But in the end, neither would allow American aircraft into or out of its airspace. France refused the Russian demands and prepared to go to war. The United States, Great Britain, and Canada made clear threats of their own in response to the Soviet demands. The Soviet Ambassadors were left with no doubt of the three countries’ resolve. Even with all that had hap
pened in the past few months, they would never abandon Germany.
The gauntlet had been thrown down. And the challenge had been accepted.
The third great European war in just over one hundred years had begun.
CHAPTER 10
January 14—2:14 p.m. (Eastern Standard Time)
The Oval Office, the White House
Washington, D.C.
Two weeks prior to the Russian attack, the President sat in the Oval Office, listening to a debate on whether to declare a military state of alert. Present at the meeting were the Director of the CIA, the Secretary of Defense, the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs, the Secretary of State, and the Ambassador to the Soviet Union.
The President leaned back in his chair and placed his hands behind his head. “So what you’re saying, General Larsen, is there’s no doubt in your mind that the Russians are preparing to attack.”
“That’s correct, Mr. President,” the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs said. “Both the CIA and military intelligence are telling us the Communists plan to invade Germany in the next few weeks. There have been unmistakable signs that the entire Warsaw Pact has mobilized.”
“Great. First Fromisch, now this. What else can go wrong?” The President looked at the Director of the CIA. “Chet, before we discuss the Russian situation any further, what’s the latest word on the German elections?”
“Pretty much the same as before, Mr. President. With three months to go before the Germans go to the polls, Fromisch’s lead is slipping a little. But it was so large to start with that there’s little doubt he’s going to win.”
