The participation of royal women in the diplomatic process derived from the international presentation of Macedonian monarchy (in the Argead period, as the rule of a clan) and from Greek understanding of relations between foreign powers in terms of kinship and philia (friendship), an understanding particularly likely to develop in dealings between monarchs.41
Today diplomacy is the work of professionals, but in the Greek world, especially in monarchies, it was individualized and highly personal; personal ties, not public ones, often defined those designated, especially by rulers, to conduct international dealings.42 Indeed, the world of the family, not the state, inspired many of the terms used in international relations.43 Relationships involving philia included women. Since expectations of reciprocity are a fundamental aspect of the notion of philia,44 women involved in such international relationships,45 by definition, were expected both to convey benefits and to receive them.
Olympias and her daughter performed benefactions of international scope, actions much more public in nature than Olympias’ temple dedications.46
Such benefactions had a diplomatic aspect since they could initiate or confirm
Olympias, mother of Alexander the Great 51
a relationship between benefactor and recipient.47 Her name and Cleopatra’s (each without either a patronymic or a reference to Alexander) appear on a list of major recipients of grain from Cyrene ( SEG IX.2). In fact, Olympias’
name appears twice, most likely as a recipient of grain for Macedonia.48 This grain was probably not a free gift, but bought by those listed at the usual rather than famine price, perhaps to keep prices low despite the shortage.49
All the other names on the list belong to states, but only the personal names of Olympias and Cleopatra appear. Parallel male usage suggests that the two women were functioning as heads of state. As is often the case with acts of female benefaction (euergetism) or piety,50 we cannot be certain whether Olympias paid for this grain on her own initiative, with her own funds, or whether she and her daughter were merely Alexander’s agents.51 Even if Alexander had privately ordered and funded his mother’s benefaction, the inscription highlights her role and omits any mention of her son.52 Antipater performed no action so formally authoritative as the role of mother and daughter commemorated in the inscription.53
Other indications of Olympias’ international role exist. Hyperides, a contemporary orator, pictures Olympias and Alexander (apparently jointly) inflicting harm on the Athenians, and he makes a similar link between the interests of Olympias and the Macedonians (Hyp. Eux. 20). On the other hand, Hyperides also reports that Olympias, apparently speaking in her own interest, stated that Molossia belonged to her (Hyp. Eux. 25; see below for Olympias’ role in Molossia). Diodorus (17.108.7) claims that Antipater and Olympias (whether in concert or in opposition to each other is unclear) demanded that the Athenians extradite Harpalus, Alexander’s absconding treasurer.54 Conceivably, control of the money Harpalus had taken with him motivated either or both.55 Antipater and Olympias may each have been eager to dissociate themselves from Harpalus56 and the dual request may also reflect concern (on their part or Alexander’s) to reach various Athenian political factions. Alexander’s Exiles’ Decree (Diod. 18.8.4), with its threat that the Athenians would have to return Samos, would have made Antipater a controversial figure in Athens. At this moment, Olympias may have had wider appeal there. Her popularity in Athens doubtless varied with the period and the sources’ politics. Hyperides, for instance, notoriously anti-Macedonian, speaks of Athenian hatred of Olympias, but in a context that tends to depersonalize the sentiment, associating it with resentment of Macedonian influence in general ( Eux. 20–1). On the other hand, perhaps in part because of the Aeacids’ traditional friendship with them (see Chapter 1), the Athenians sometimes saw her too as a friend. Diodorus (18.65.2), speaking of a period after the death of Alexander, comments that they had always respected her57 and her previous honors and now hoped that she would help them to restore their autonomy.
Many of the international dealings of royal women relate to philia. Some sources make this explicit, but in others, a philia relationship is implicit, most obviously in the case of women’s dealings with their families, since familial
52 Olympias, mother of Alexander the Great relationships constituted the closest sort of philia. Here one needs to recall the importance of the expectation of reciprocity in philia. The philia created by marriage was a continuing bond, one that involved royal women in international relations.58 Charitable acts or dedications by royal women initiated or confirmed philia for themselves and/or male kin. Royal women participated in the bonds of philia that tied the powers of the Greek world together as well as in the enmities that tore it apart.
At some point after Alexander’s departure for Asia but before his death, Olympias abandoned Macedonia for her homeland of Molossia. The date of her departure is uncertain, but most likely it was no sooner than 331
and probably around the time of the death of her brother Alexander, the Molossian king (fall 331/winter 330), and Antipater’s defeat of Agis, king of Sparta (spring 330).59 Diodorus (18.49.4) asserted that she fled Macedonia because she had quarreled with Antipater.60 Her departure was probably voluntary (Plut. Alex. 68.3 suggests this),61 but was the consequence both of her inability to establish supremacy over Antipater in Macedonia itself and the potential she saw for greater power in her homeland.62 This moment was probably the height of Antipater’s power and influence with Alexander, who depended on him for reinforcements and for the defeat of Agis. Alexander’s innovations in monarchy and growing absolutism (developments that tended to distance him from the aging general) had only begun to appear. At least in Macedonia, in 330 Antipater was in a stronger position than Olympias.
The situation in Molossia was complicated and our evidence about it is poor. Olympias’ daughter had, as we have seen, married her uncle, Alexander of Molossia. Around the time that the Macedonian Alexander left on his Asian campaign, the Molossian Alexander departed for a campaign in Italy, during which he died. Cleopatra almost certainly functioned as regent for her husband during his absence. She probably had two children—a son, Neoptolemus, and a daughter, Cadmeia—by Alexander63 and she most likely acted as regent for young Neoptolemus. Such a role would be in keeping with the legal situation of widowed Epirote women generally;64
much later in the Aeacid dynasty, another royal woman also became regent for her children.65 Molossia had become, as we have seen, something like a puppet state of Macedonia, and Cleopatra, like her mother, bought grain, doubtless for Molossia, but likely in accord with her brother’s and mother’s wishes.66 Cleopatra remained in Molossia for some time after the arrival of her mother.67 Mother and daughter probably worked in concert, as they evidently did after the death of Alexander the Great.
Some time during the reign of Alexander the Great,68 the political framework of Molossia changed: the Epirotes formed an alliance and the Molossian kingdom joined it. The Aeacids never became kings of the alliance and remained kings of Molossia, but they did function as the military leaders of the alliance.69 Historians disagree as to whether the formation of the alliance was a sign of the strength or the weakness of the Aeacids.70 Judging by what was observable at the time, the Epirote Alliance may well have
Olympias, mother of Alexander the Great 53
seemed a positive development to the Aeacids, offering the potential for wider power. The feud between Olympias and Antipater, however, had surely begun by this date and subsequent Antipatrids generally acted to limit Aeacid power (see Chapter 4), so one cannot rule out the possibility that Antipater fomented the alliance to limit Aeacid power.71 Whatever the short-term benefit of the alliance, long term, its birth marked the beginning of the gradual decline of the prestige of the Aeacid dynasty, a decline that would end with the abolition of Aeacid monarchy itself.72
An odd passage in Plutarch ( Alex. 68.3) states that a desire for gaining one’s own advantage (presumably
Plutarch is speaking about prominent Macedonians since he has just referred to Alexander’s troubles with his army, satraps, and generals) and wanton violence spread everywhere, and Olympias and Cleopatra, having formed a faction against Antipater,73
divided the realm, with Olympias taking Epirus and Cleopatra Macedonia.
Plutarch has a seemingly indifferent Alexander approve his mother’s choice rather than his sister’s, on the grounds that Macedonians would not accept rule by a woman.74 The passage cannot be literally true in all its details since Antipater remained in his position—whatever exactly that was—until Alexander’s death,75 but it probably means that Cleopatra left Molossia while her mother remained there. Certainly it implies that Antipater’s power was fading and that both mother and daughter tried to exploit his growing vulnerability.76 The time-frame for the situation Plutarch describes is not specified, but its context suggests that he refers to the last few years of Alexander’s reign, roughly 325/4.77
Our sources often refer to the contents of letters of Olympias sent to Alexander and occasionally contain material taken from Alexander’s replies or his verbal reactions to his mother’s correspondence. These fragments do not inspire much confidence in their authenticity, particularly because the Alexander Romance probably began as an epistolary historical novel (see Chapter 6). Indeed, the credibility of the correspondence preserved in Plutarch and other Alexander historians is part of the wider issue of the dependability of all letters quoted or paraphrased in the text of ancient writers.78 Scholarly tradition about the treatment of Alexander’s correspondence has been to evaluate each letter on its individual merits.79 Nearly all the letters relating to Olympias portray her in a negative fashion, but the negative image generated has comparatively little to do with factional politics, as such, whether in Alexander’s reign or later.80 Instead, the letters often employ Greek gender stereotypes to define Alexander in contrast to his mother, to demonstrate that he was a conventional Hellene, not a
“mama’s boy”. Greek hostility to monarchy often connected to the view that in a monarchy women, especially royal mothers, had too much influence.
The correspondence copes with this prejudice by suggesting that Olympias did try to act as people feared women in monarchies did, but that Alexander, though treating his mother respectfully, sternly resisted this un-Hellenic pattern and preferred male advice or his own good sense.81 Typically,
54 Olympias, mother of Alexander the Great Olympias offers bad or partisan advice and tries to “interfere” and Alexander rejects her advice and interference. Though it might at first seem that the
“bad advice of Olympias theme” in the correspondence resembles the
“bad advice theme” in our sources about Parmenio,82 more of the Olympias material is usable, if one reads with care (see further the Appendix).
Despite the sources’ focus on Olympias’ enmities with various members of the elite, it is worth reflecting on her friendships, a topic in which the sources display no interest. If one reads carefully, however, the sources do suggest some possibilities, ones we can probably augment with the names of those who worked with Olympias after her son’s death. The young men who went into exile for Alexander’s sake as a consequence of their role in the Pixodarus affair (Harpalus, Ptolemy, Nearchus, and Erigyius) were likely allies, since Olympias and they supposedly collaborated on that project.83
One should surely add to that list Arybbas, one of the royal bodyguards and almost certainly an Aeacid, as well as yet another Aeacid, Neoptolemus, a brave warrior, subsequently a commander of the Hypaspists (the elite infantry guard unit) and a satrap.84 Eumenes (secretary first to Philip and then to Alexander), Polyperchon (an infantry commander), and three more of Alexander’s royal bodyguards (Leonnatus, Aristonous, and Perdiccas) may have been friendly to Olympias during Alexander’s life, since, after his death, they certainly were.85 Members of the elite frequently abandoned friendships and even their king when self-interest led them in another direction, so I do not mean to imply that all of these individuals were friends of Olympias (or each other) at the same time,86 but, taken as a group, my hypothetical list is suggestive. The names tend to be kin of Olympias or the Argeads, members of Upper Macedonian dynasties (thus quite possibly Aeacid kin or allies; see Chapter 2) or, failing that, sons of Greek immigrants.
Five were royal bodyguards. Thus all were men with markedly personal ties to Alexander and many had quasi-royal birth. Other evidence (see below) indicates that Olympias fiercely guarded Alexander’s royal status and considered anyone who threatened to compromise either his wealth or power as threats to her son. My list is a good fit for that apparent pattern.
Olympias’ life, her friendships and hatreds, transpired in a social context remote from our own political world. It is difficult for us to understand the intimate, claustrophobic nature of the Macedonian court. Generally, it is harder for historians to demonstrate ties of friendship at court than the reverse, partly because strife is more interesting and makes a better story.
References to specific enmities between individuals point to the simple fact that many of the court figures hated each other (though only some of these antagonisms would have endured).87 The generally competitive ethos of the court and Alexander’s own administrative style (see below) also generated strife. Still, one must recall that many of the major figures of the era of Philip and Alexander and the Successors had known each other all their lives (as had their grandparents) and were bound together by blood and marriage as well as by shared experience. We can reconstruct only a small fragment
Olympias, mother of Alexander the Great 55
of these once powerful ties and attempt to determine which were ephemeral, which endured, which were deeply personal, which essentially formal.
Moreover, only occasionally can we be certain when and why these bonds failed, when those once allied now felt betrayed and acted accordingly.
The letters demonstrate that Olympias tried to use her correspondence with Alexander to exert her influence at his mobile court, despite the growing physical distance between them. They depict her employing two methods and imply a third: Olympias attacks individuals or groups at court; she offers information and advice; and she takes full advantage of her son’s affection for her. None of these methods seems implausible when compared to the better-attested public actions of Olympias. Her actions after Alexander’s death against the Antipatrids (see Chapter 4) certainly demonstrate her willingness to make attacks (physical, verbal, symbolic) against those she considered hostile to her interests. Many incidents in her career imply that she kept herself well informed about both domestic and foreign affairs. Her dedications at shrines in southern Greece, her movement from Macedonia to Molossia and back again, her apparent communication with states and individuals, and her ability to respond quickly to events all confirm this.
Moreover, it seems natural that Alexander would expect his mother to tell him about what was going on and to look out for his interests. It is harder to demonstrate—and less certain—that she manipulated her son’s affection for her own ends, but several factors certainly suggest that she counted on her son’s affection and had little fear of losing it. Certainly we should not accept without question the collective implication of the letters, that Olympias was less successful in exercising political influence with her own son than she was on the Greek peninsula.
The sources indicate that Olympias may have had mixed success when she offered advice to her son or tried to warn him. In the aftermath of the execution of Philotas, Alexander tried some of Philotas’ associates, including Amyntas, son of Andromenes. Arrian’s account attributes the trial of Amyntas and his brothers to their friendship with Philotas; no mention is made of Olympias (Arr. 3.26.1–3). Curtius’ narrative of the trial, however, contains the supposed defense speech of Amyntas which claims (7.1.36–40) that Olympias had warned Alexander by letter that Amyntas and his brothers were enemies. According to Curtius, her maternal anxiety motivated her
in part, but her primary reason for warning her son derived from the fact that, on Alexander’s instructions, Amyntas had removed young men from her household for military service, putting the king’s needs before a “woman’s favor.” Curtius asserted that Olympias’ accusations (7.1.11) and Amyntas’
friendship with Philotas led to his trial (7.1.26–35). On the advice of the troops and his companions, Alexander pardoned Amyntas and his brother (Curt. 7.2.7–10).
One could assume that Olympias’ role in the affair was solely Curtius’
invention or that of his source: it occurs in a speech, a notoriously dubious circumstance, and is couched in terms that play on sexual stereotyping.
56 Olympias, mother of Alexander the Great Nonetheless, the idea that Olympias had a large household and resented the loss of any of its members is credible,88 and she had several reasons to dislike the friends and family of Philotas.89 Alexander’s pardon of Amyntas and his brothers, however, had little to do with the degree of his mother’s influence: practical politics dictated the king’s actions; though the brothers never regained their prominent position.90
More problematic is Olympias’ role in the downfall of Lyncestian Alexander, the son of Aeropus. Lyncestian Alexander, probably a scion of the formerly independent Lyncestian royal house, was, by any definition, an important figure.91 After the death of Philip, Alexander had his two brothers killed but not only spared the other Alexander, but gave him important duties.92 Lyncestian Alexander had married a daughter of Antipater (Curt. 7.1.7; Just. 11.7.1, 12.14.1). Although Antipater’s influence may have contributed to the king’s distinctive treatment of Lyncestian Alexander,93
Alexander spared the Lyncestian primarily because he had been among the first of his friends to support him (militarily and politically) at the time of Philip’s death (Arr. 1.25.2; Just. 11.2.2 ; Curt. 7.1.6).94 While Arrian (1.25.1–10) claims that Lyncestian Alexander was arrested in winter 334/3
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