21. Cited in Gregory, ‘‘Kant, Schelling, and the Administration of Science,’’ 26.
22. When the previous director of the Charité’s midwifery institute died in 1848, his position was divided between Ernst Horn, who assumed the directorship of the institute and the responsibility for providing practical instruction, and Schmidt, who took over the theoretical instruction. One year later, however, the government reunited the various responsibilities and handed them over to Schmidt. See Ladenberg to the Charité director, 18 August 1848, and Ladenberg to the Charité director, 24 September 1849, both in UA der HUB, Charité Direktion, Nr. 192, unpaginated.
23. For a discussion of physicians’ interest in bridging theory and practice and how the meanings of those terms changed over time, see Tuchman, Science, Medicine, and the State.
24. Schmidt, Lehrbuch der Geburtskunde.
25. The dissections are mentioned in Schmidt to Ladenberg, 19 March 1849 and 15 April 1850, both in GStA PK, Rep. 76 VIIIA, Nr. 1004, 75, 94.
26. Schmidt, ‘‘Die geburtshülflich-klinischen Institute,’’ 485–523, esp. 498.
27. Ibid., 502; Schmidt to Ladenberg, 15 April 1850, GStA PK, Rep. 76 VIIIA, 93. Schmidt mentions the breech birth in a letter to von Raumer, minister of culture, 21 March 1851, in ibid., 145–46. It is possible that this pupil was Zakrzewska. She would not yet have graduated, and she was his prize pupil. Schmidt does not, however, mention the pupil’s name.
28. On the problem of puerperal fever in the nineteenth century, see Carter, ‘‘Puerperal Fever’’; Leavitt, Brought to Bed; Loudon, Childbed Fever; and Wertz and Wertz, Lying-in.
29. Schmidt, ‘‘Die geburtshülflich-klinischen Institute,’’ 499–501.
30. Walsh, ‘‘Doctors Wanted,’’ 92–95; and Chapter 10 of this book.
31. Schmidt, ‘‘Die geburtshülflich-klinischen Institute,’’ 506.
32. Ibid., 505–6.
33. Ibid., 507.
34. Ibid., 506. On the relationship between physicians and patients in the nineteenth-century hospital, see, for example, Waddington, ‘‘Role of the Hospital,’’ and Rosenberg, Care of Strangers.
35. Cited in PI, 12.
36. Ginzberg, Women and the Work of Benevolence.
37. Atwater, ‘‘Touching the Patient’’; Ludmerer, Learning to Heal, chap. 1; Rosenberg, Care of Strangers, 193–209; Warner, Against the Spirit of System, 28–29.
38. Schmidt, ‘‘Die geburtshülflich-klinischen Institute,’’ 498.
39. See Schmidt to Ladenberg, 15 April 1850, GStA PK, Rep. 76 VIIIA, Nr. 1004, 93; Schmidt, ‘‘Die geburtshülflich-klinischen Institute,’’ 503–4; and ‘‘Instruction für die, in der mit dem Königlichen Charité-Krankenhause verbundenen Hebammen-Lehranstalt aus-zubildenen Hebammenschulerinnen,’’ 12 October 1846, UA der HUB, Nr. 802, 81–83.
40. Schmidt to the Charité directors, 3 March 1850, UA der HUB, Nr. 200, 103.
41. PI, 59, 62.
42. Schmidt to the Charité directors, 3 March 1850, UA der HUB, Nr. 200, 104.
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43. Schmidt to Esse (Charité director), 23 November 1849, in ibid., Nr. 802, 170–72.
44. Schmidt to the Charité directors, 20 March 1850, in ibid., Nr. 200, 116–23.
45. Schmidt to the Charité directors, 3 March 1850, in ibid., 106–7.
46. Schmidt to the Charité directors, 20 March 1850, in ibid., 122–23.
47. See Catherina Bernhardina Schmidt to the Charité directors, 31 March 1850, and the Charité directors to Joseph Hermann Schmidt, 4 April 1850, both in ibid., 126, 127–28. See also Zakrzewska’s discussion of this in PI, 78–79.
48. PI, 60.
49. Zakrzewska claimed that he was so weak at times that he had ‘‘to lecture in a reclining position.’’ Ibid., 48.
50. Ibid., 64.
51. Ibid., 65. Zakrzewska’s excellent performance at her exams is also mentioned in Schmidt to von Raumer, minister of culture, 29 March 1852, GStA PK, Rep. 76 VIIIA, Nr.
1004, 152. Of the thirty-five pupils who were examined, eleven received ‘‘excellent’’; eleven,
‘‘very good’’; and thirteen, ‘‘good.’’ This was the first year Schmidt listed each of the midwives by name, along with their grades and the extent of their clinical practice. Accordingly, Zakrzewska received an ‘‘excellent,’’ delivered thirty-six babies herself, and assisted in another seventy deliveries.
52. Charité directors to the minister of culture, von Raumer, 2 February 1852; Lehnert to Esse, 11 February 1852; and Schmidt to the Charité directors, 21 March 1852, all in UA der HUB, Nr. 200, 144–45, 146, 149.
53. This series of events was described and recorded during a meeting of Esse, Horn, and Lehnert, on 8 May 1852, in ibid., 156–59.
54. Zakrzewska to Schmidt, 16 April 1852, in ibid., 153–54.
55. Report on meeting of Esse, Horn, and Lehnert, 8 May 1852, in ibid., Nr. 200, 156–59.
56. Esse and Horn to Schmidt, 10 May 1852, in ibid., 160–61.
57. PI, 75–79. See Schmidt’s obituary on 22 May 1852, in GStA PK, Rep. 76 I, Sekt. 31, Litt. S, Nr. 55, 129–32.
58. Zakrzewska describes these responsibilities in PI, 81–82. In 1889, in an article she published on the midwifery cases she had attended in private practice during her career, she also mentioned briefly the work she performed as head midwife at the Charité. See Zakrzewska, ‘‘Report of One Hundred and Eighty-Seven Cases.’’
59. ‘‘Dienst-Instruction für die Charité-Hebammen,’’ 6 March 1827, Charité Direction, UA der HUB, Nr. 199, 147–53.
60. PI, 85. See also ‘‘Erörterungen der bisherigen Verhältnisse,’’ 55, and the minister of culture to the police president, 16 March 1852, PBL, Rep. 30 Berlin, C-Polizei Präsidium, Tit.
50, Nr. 2236, 87.
61. ‘‘Dienst-Instruction für die Charité-Hebammen,’’ 152–53. Zakrzewska’s problems with Horn are mentioned as well in a letter Martin Zakrzewski wrote, requesting that his daughter be allowed to immigrate to America. See Zakrzewski to the state minister, von Raumer, 29 January 1853, Zakrzewski file, 305–6.
62. WQ, 67.
63. Barney, Passage of the Republic, 177; Nadel, Little Germany, 1–26, 173 n. 1.
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64. PI, 88.
65. Ibid., 92.
c h a p t e r t h r e e
1. PI, 92. See also ‘‘Biographical. Sketches of the Life and Work of the Pioneer Women in Medicine.’’ This article (which was part of a series) was written in the third person, suggesting that Zakrzewska was not herself the author. Although it had some new information, by and large the series drew on Zakrzewska’s 1860 autobiographical sketch.
2. PI, 94–95.
3. Ibid., 96–97.
4. Ibid., 97.
5. Nadel, Little Germany, 1–26, 173 n. 1.
6. On Kleindeutschland, see ibid. Zakrzewska recounts their experiences upon arriving in New York in PI, 98–99.
7. Theodor Griesinger, a contemporary, claimed that at the time one could get a ‘‘parlor with two windows and . . . a windowless bedroom’’ for about four dollars a month. If one wanted ‘‘a pleasant apartment with three windows and two bedrooms,’’ one would need to spend eight to ten dollars; cited in Nadel, Little Germany, 36. Zakrzewska mentioned her apartment and furniture in PI, 105–7.
8. Stansell, City of Women, chaps. 6–9. Stansell provides a good description of the system of outwork on 109. The estimate of the amount of money needed to support oneself is cited on 111. See also Nadel, Little Germany, 75–78.
9. Stansell, City of Women, 179.
10. PI, 106, 112.
11. Ibid., 114, 125–26.
12. Ibid., 105–6; WQ, 113–14; ‘‘Biographical. Sketches of the Life and Work of the Pioneer Women in Medicine,’’ 136. On the apprenticeship system, see Haller, American Medicine in Transition, 192–97; Warner, Against the Spirit of System, 17–31. That Zakrzewska could s
imply open a midwifery practice stemmed from the fact that midwives, like all other medical practitioners at the time, were not yet subjected to state laws. See Borst, ‘‘Training and Practice of Midwives.’’
13. Cited in Bonner, To the Ends of the Earth, 6. On Blackwell’s experience at Geneva Medical College, see also Morantz-Sanchez, Sympathy and Science, 47–49.
14. Kirschmann, Vital Force, chaps. 2 and 3; Morantz-Sanchez, Sympathy and Science, chap.
4; More, Restoring the Balance, 17–23; and Walsh, ‘‘Doctors Wanted,’’ 35–75.
15. Kirschmann, Vital Force, 4; Rogers, ‘‘Women and Sectarian Medicine.’’
16. The quotation is from the AMA’s 1847 Code of Ethics, cited in Baker, ‘‘American Medical Ethics Revolution,’’ 42. In this essay, Baker o√ers an important revisionist interpretation of this code.
17. Rogers, ‘‘American Homeopathy Confronts Scientific Medicine’’; Rothstein, American Physicians in the Nineteenth Century, 177–246.
NOTES TO PAGES 61 – 66
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18. Cayle√, Wash and Be Healed; Donegan, ‘‘Hydropathic Highway to Health’’; Gevitz, Other Healers; Kaufman, Homeopathy in America.
19. Rothstein, American Physicians in the Nineteenth Century, 170–73; Warner, ‘‘Orthodoxy and Otherness.’’
20. William Lloyd Garrison II once commented that Zakrzewska ‘‘held firmly to the conviction . . . that homeopathy has no claim to science’’; cited in WQ, 459, no date.
21. Bittel, ‘‘Science of Women’s Rights’’; Kirschmann, Vital Force, 61–62; Morantz-Sanchez, Sympathy and Science, 73–74; Peitzman, New and Untried Course, 45–55; Wells, Out of the Dead House, 57–79.
22. On Dixon-Jones, see Morantz-Sanchez, Conduct Unbecoming a Woman; on Dolley, see More, Restoring the Balance, 45–56.
23. For biographical information on Blackwell, see Sahli, Elizabeth Blackwell.
24. PI, 130.
25. Elizabeth to Emily Blackwell, 12 May 1854, reprinted in Blackwell, Pioneer Work, 201.
An excerpt from this letter is cited in WQ, 109.
26. Sahli, Elizabeth Blackwell, 124, 129; L’Esperance, ‘‘Influence of the New York Infirmary.’’
27. PI, 131.
28. For a detailed account of Cleveland Medical College in the 1850s and its policy toward women, see Goldstein, ‘‘Roses Bloomed in Winter.’’
29. WQ, 142, 147, 170, 177; PI, 113, 136.
30. Goldstein, ‘‘Roses Bloomed in Winter,’’ 115.
31. Zakrzewska must have chosen not to repeat the experience she had had in New York, for she could just as easily have buried herself in Cleveland’s German-speaking population, which was by no means small at this time. See Miller and Wheeler, Cleveland, 52–55.
32. PI, 121, 139–42; WQ, 162.
33. On Severance, see Jensen, ‘‘Severance,’’ and Ruddy, Mother of Clubs.
34. WQ, 134, 151.
35. Ibid., 153. On the turmoil caused by the Fugitive Slave Law and the Kansas-Nebraska Act, see Stewart, Holy Warriors. On di√erences between the antislavery movements in the Northeast and the Midwest, see Gamble, ‘‘Moral Suasion in the West.’’
36. WQ, 138. On the Severances’ role in founding the Independent Christian Church, see Jensen, ‘‘Severance.’’
37. Williams, ‘‘Unitarianism and Universalism.’’
38. Jensen, ‘‘Severance.’’ On Mayo, see Robertson, ‘‘Mayo, Amory Dwight,’’ and Robinson, Massachusetts in the Woman Su√rage Movement, 28. Mayo was a strong supporter as well of women’s rights. See Mayo to Mrs. Paulina W. Davis, 24 August 1853, reprinted in Stanton, Anthony, and Gage, History of Woman Su√rage, 1:851–52.
39. Severance to Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton, no date, reprinted in Ruddy, Mother of Clubs, 13–14. On her election to the vice presidency of the national movement, see Stanton, Anthony, and Gage, History of Woman Su√rage, 1:548.
40. WQ, 134. Zakrzewska is referring to Paulina Wright Davis and to the Seneca Falls Convention in 1848. See also ibid., 137, in which she mentions again that she needed time to
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come to understand ‘‘their demands for a larger sphere for women.’’ On the early women’s rights conventions, see Stanton, Anthony, and Gage, History of Woman Su√rage, 1:216.
41. We must also keep in mind that Zakrzewska first told this story at the end of the century.
It may not, therefore, accurately reflect how she felt at the time. Casting herself as someone who had initially stood in opposition to the women’s rights movement but had ultimately changed her mind may have been a way of reaching out to potential readers who were ambivalent about the women’s rights movement of their day.
42. On Hunt, see her autobiography, Hunt, Glances and Glimpses, and Walsh, ‘‘Doctors Wanted,’’ 135–37. On the meeting between Hunt and Zakrzewska, see PI, 142.
43. Reprinted in Stanton, Anthony, and Gage, History of Woman Su√rage, 1:259–60. On the first National Woman’s Rights Convention, see ibid., 215–16, and Robinson, Massachusetts in the Woman Su√rage Movement, 20–22, 215–17.
44. Hunt, Glances and Glimpses, 347.
45. PI, 149; WQ, 149–51. Zakrzewska later described the day she met Theodore Parker as ‘‘the greatest event of my three days’ sojourn in Boston,’’ largely because he introduced her to Garrison and Phillips. See WQ, 151. On the New England Woman’s Rights Convention, see Robinson, Massachusetts in the Woman Su√rage Movement, 36–37, and Barry, Susan B.
Anthony, 107.
46. Goldstein, ‘‘Roses Bloomed in Winter,’’ 252–60; PI, 139–40; Jensen, ‘‘Severance.’’
47. WQ, 153–54.
48. Ibid., 155.
49. Ibid., 134–35.
50. Mary Roth Walsh tends to attach more importance to the ‘‘web of feminist friendship’’
in Zakrzewska’s life, but I share Goldstein’s sense that Zakrzewska’s support network was much broader. See Walsh, ‘‘Feminist Showplace,’’ and Goldstein, ‘‘Roses Bloomed in Winter,’’ 22.
51. WQ, 145; PI, 140, 149. On the parallel between Zakrzewska’s relationships with Schmidt and Delamater, see Goldstein, ‘‘Roses Bloomed in Winter,’’ 214.
52. On Delamater’s role in opening Cleveland Medical College’s doors to women, see Goldstein, ‘‘Roses Bloomed in Winter,’’ 125–30, 170. The six who matriculated and received their M.D.’s are Nancy Talbot Clark (1852), Emily Blackwell (1854), Marie Zakrzewska (1856), Sarah Chadwick (1856), Cordelia Agnes Greene (1856), and Elizabeth Griselle (1856).
The other three are Eliza Brown, Mary Frame Thomas, and Eliza Lucinda Smith Thomas.
See ibid., chap. 4.
53. Waite, Western Reserve University, 427.
54. Goldstein, ‘‘Roses Bloomed in Winter,’’ 154.
55. Ibid., 107–247, 314–22.
56. Ibid., 142, 181, 183.
57. Waite, Western Reserve University, 431; Goldstein, ‘‘Roses Bloomed in Winter,’’ 181–82, 262. I am grateful to Naomi Rogers for helping me to better understand the way regular physicians linked unorthodox medicine and women’s entry into the regular profession. See also Kirschmann, Vital Force.
NOTES TO PAGES 71 – 78
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58. Waite, Western Reserve University, 514. On competition between the two institutions, see ibid., 431.
59. Kirschmann, Vital Force.
60. Ludmerer, Learning to Heal, chap. 1; Rosenberg, Care of Strangers; Rothstein, American Physicians in the Nineteenth Century, 85–121.
61. Cited in Rosenberg, Care of Strangers, 202.
62. Ludmerer, Learning to Heal, 12. For a less critical view of antebellum medical training, see Warner, Against the Spirit of System, 17–31. Nevertheless, Warner agrees that the quality of a medical student’s training depended largely on either the skills of his preceptor or the nature of the training he received outside of formal educational requirements.
63. WQ, 121.
64. Ibid., 178.
65. PI, 140–41; WQ, 124–25. On Chadwick, see Goldstein, ‘‘Roses Bloomed in Winter,’’
215–25, 386–404.
66. PI, 141, 204–5; Goldstein, ‘‘Roses Bloomed in Winter,’’ 267–69.
67. PI, 141–42.
68. Ibid., 147–48; WQ, 148. Caroline Zakrzewski died on 30 August 1855. See Martin Ludwig Zakrzewski to the state minister, 26 February 1856, Zakrzewski file, 320–21.
69. Zakrzewska mentions the birth of her nephew in WQ, 159.
70. PI, 148.
71. Ibid., 148–49, 154.
72. WQ, 152.
73. Mayer to Eichhorn, 20 December 1847, GStA PK, Rep. 76 VIIIA, Nr. 896. I discussed his views at greater length in Chapter 2.
74. Thus a physician had once commented that it was ‘‘as if the Almighty, in creating the female sex, had taken the uterus and built up a woman around it’’; cited in Smith-Rosenberg and Rosenberg, ‘‘Female Animal,’’ 113, and in Wood, ‘‘ ‘Fashionable Diseases,’ ’’ 223–24. See also Schiebinger, Nature’s Body.
75. Zakrzewska, ‘‘Thesis. The Organ of Parturition,’’ 1. I am grateful to the Archives of the Allen Memorial Medical Library at Case Western Reserve University for sending me a transcription of Zakrzewska’s thesis. The transcription was prepared by Linda Lehmann Goldstein.
76. Ibid., 5.
77. Ibid.
78. Ibid., 9.
79. Ibid., 5. On the notion of the ‘‘type,’’ see Lenoir, Strategy of Life.
80. Zakrzewska, ‘‘Thesis. The Organ of Parturition,’’ 13, 9. On German nature philosophy, see Lenoir, Strategy of Life.
81. Emily Blackwell wrote ‘‘A Thesis on Certain Principles of Practical Medicine,’’ and Cordelia Greene wrote ‘‘A Thesis on Prolapsus Uteri, and Other Malpositions of the Abdominal and Pelvic Viscera.’’ See Goldstein, ‘‘Roses Bloomed in Winter,’’ 260–314.
82. For a provocative interpretation of nineteenth-century women physicians’ medical writings as strategies for establishing a place and a voice for themselves in a hostile profession,
NOTES TO PAGES 78 – 82
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see Wells, Out of the Dead House. Although Wells does not examine Zakrzewska’s medical thesis, she does begin her book with Zakrzewska’s story about getting locked in the dead house (hence the title of the book).
Science Has No Sex Page 40
