NOTES TO PAGES 112 – 16
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45. Cited in Wittke, Against the Current, 135.
46. On the battle and its aftermath, see Wittke, Against the Current, 136–37, and Randers-Pehrson, Adolf Douai, 315–32.
47. Cott, Public Vows.
48. See Zakrzewska’s letters to Lucy Sewall in 1863 in which she mentions the practice of boarding, cited in WQ, 309, 311. On the practice of boarding among the middle class, see Ryan, Cradle of the Middle Class.
49. I have calculated her age from a letter she wrote in 1905 to Severance in which she mentioned that her friends had thrown her a surprise party for her seventieth birthday ten years earlier. See Sprague to Severance, 9 November 1905, Severance Papers.
50. This is clear from an undated letter Sprague wrote to Heinzen sometime after she moved in. She assured him that ‘‘when I came back last August, it was expected that my stay here would be temporary; this is not to be my home; I am only remaining here awhile in preparation for a change to some place not yet fully decided upon.’’ She also asked him not to mention to Zakrzewska ‘‘this ‘want of harmony’ between us. . . . I cannot leave her house without some pangs and the less the matter is discussed, the pleasanter will be my visits here in the future.’’ Karl Heinzen Papers, LBC.
51. Zakrzewska to Sewall, 7 May 1863, cited in WQ, 311. The first mention of Sprague is in a letter Zakrzewska wrote to Sewall on 21 October 1862 (see ibid., 301). She mentions that on 12 November they will be celebrating Sprague’s birthday.
52. On Sprague’s career as a schoolteacher, see William Lloyd Garrison to Fanny Garrison Villard, 14 February 1877, reprinted in Merrill and Ruchames, Letters of William Lloyd Garrison, 6:455–57; Wittke, Against the Current, 102.
53. Sprague, History of the New England Women’s Club.
54. Sprague to Kitty Barry, 28 December 1896, Blackwell Family Papers, LC.
55. Sprague to Caroline Severance, 8 July [1902?], Severance Papers.
56. Sprague to Kitty Barry, 28 December 1896, Blackwell Family Papers, LC. On women’s relationships in the nineteenth century, see Smith-Rosenberg, ‘‘Female World of Love and Ritual’’; Sahli, ‘‘Smashing’’; Rupp, ‘‘ ‘Imagine My Surprise’ ’’; Faderman, Surpassing the Love of Men and Odd Girls and Twilight Lovers; and di Leonardo, ‘‘Warrior Virgins and Boston Marriages.’’
57. Di Leonardo, ‘‘Warrior Virgins and Boston Marriages’’; Freedman, Maternal Justice, esp. 107, 178, 242.
58. The information on these relationships is not extensive, but the fact of their companionship is unmistakable. On Dimock and Greene, see Cheney, Memoir of Susan Dimock, 8–9, 38, 39, 43, and Cheney, ‘‘Report,’’ AR, 1875, 10. On Booth and Wright, see ‘‘Obituary. Mary L. Booth.’’ On Sewall and Jex-Blake, see Todd, Life of Sophia Jex-Blake. See also Morantz-Sanchez, Sympathy and Science, 133. Although writing of a later period, Linda Gordon found that approximately one-fourth of the women active in reform work had female companions.
See Gordon, Pitied but Not Entitled, 78–79.
59. See especially Smith-Rosenberg, ‘‘Female World of Love and Ritual,’’ and di Leonardo, ‘‘Warrior Virgins and Boston Marriages.’’
60. Zakrzewska to Lucy Sewall, 28 December 1862, cited in WQ, 305–6.
NOTES TO PAGES 116 – 19
284 ≤
61. Not surprisingly, the one time Zakrzewska voiced her opinion on divorce, which was during a debate with Horace Greeley, she sided with Susan B. Anthony and Elizabeth Cady Stanton, who created quite a storm at the 1860 Women’s Rights Convention when they insisted that divorce be considered a woman’s civil right. On Zakrzewska’s debate with Greeley, see WQ, 204. On Anthony, Stanton, and the 1860 Woman’s Rights Convention, see Barry, Susan B. Anthony, 137–45.
62. WQ, 297.
63. Sprague to Severance, 22 February, no year but sometime after 1902, Severance Papers. The particular correspondence Sprague was referring to was between Zakrzewska and Ednah Dow Cheney.
64. Sprague to Severance, 31 January 1893, Severance Papers.
65. In the early 1890s, when Sprague and Zakrzewska moved to a new home, Sprague wrote to Severance that for the first time ‘‘our family will be small, only we two.’’ See Sprague to Severance, 9 August [1892?], Severance Papers.
66. Der Pionier included announcements about the New England Hospital about once or twice a year. See, for example, ‘‘Das Hospital für Frauen und Kinder,’’ 6, and ‘‘Stadt Boston’’
(2 July 1872), 6. On Sprague’s work as a matron, see AR, 1863, 7. On the family’s support of the newspaper, see Wittke, Against the Current, 104, 113, 317; Heinzen to Schmemann, 10
March 1879, Karl Schmemann Papers, LBC; and Sprague to George Schumm, 11 March 1909 and 3 November 1909, George Schumm Papers, LBC. Sprague’s translation of ‘‘Sechs Briefe an einen frommen Mann’’ is mentioned in Der Pionier, 5 March 1879, 1.
67. In her wonderful book Women and the City, Sarah Deutsch distinguishes between middle-class and working-class women’s understandings of domesticity by suggesting that in contrast to the former, the latter ‘‘did not organize their lives around the concepts of ‘public’
and ‘private’ ’’ (287). Zakrzewska’s indi√erence to this organizing framework suggests, however, that what Deutsch describes as a class di√erence may have had more to do with whether women worked outside the home.
68. On Zakrzewska’s friendship with William Lloyd Garrison II, see Chapter 4; on Heinzen and the elder Garrison, see Zakrzewska to Garrison, 7 December, no year, Garrison Family Collection, Correspondence, SS, and Wittke, Against the Current, 114. On Büchner’s visit, see Ludwig Büchner to Heinzen, 6 October 1872, Karl Heinzen Papers, LBC.
69. Cited in WQ, 459.
70. The reminiscences are of Dr. Augusta Pope, which she shared during a speech she gave at the fiftieth anniversary of the New England Hospital. See Fiftieth Anniversary of the New England Hospital, 48. For other reminiscences of parties at what Zakrzewska playfully called her ‘‘Rock Garden,’’ see WQ, 458–59.
71. The comparison between Washington and Heinzen is from a summary and translation that Sprague provided of a speech given by Clara Neymann, a German radical journalist.
See ‘‘Address by Mrs. Clara Neymann,’’ 441–42. Zakrzewska’s comment is from a tribute to Samuel Sewall, printed in the appendix to Sprague, History of the New England Women’s Club, 83. The fact that Zakrzewska’s household continued to commemorate Heinzen’s birthday is mentioned in Sprague to Perry, 20 February 1899, New England Women’s Club Records, Julia A. Sprague, SL.
NOTES TO PAGES 119 – 28
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72. Zakrzewska to Sewall, 28 December 1862, cited in WQ, 305.
73. Zakrzewska to Pope, 28 October 1901, NEHWC Collection, box 1, SS.
74. Zakrzewska to Sewall, 29 November 1862, cited in WQ, 303.
c h a p t e r s i x
1. Dall, ‘‘Woman’s Right to Labor.’’ On Dall, see Bowman, ‘‘Caroline Healey Dall,’’ and Wach, ‘‘Boston Feminist.’’
2. Zakrzewska, ‘‘Ueber Hospitäler’’ (18 February 1863).
3. Cited in Barry, Susan B. Anthony, 115.
4. Dall, introduction to PI, 3. Dall wrote the first eighteen and the last two pages of PI.
5. Wagner-Martin, Telling Women’s Lives.
6. See Wells’s discussion of the feminist scholarship on autobiography in Out of the Dead House, 131. According to this scholarship, women had a greater tendency to follow a less linear, more episodic narrative structure when telling the stories of their lives.
7. PI, 46.
8. Dall, ‘‘Woman’s Right to Labor,’’ 11–12.
9. Dall, introduction to PI, 4–5.
10. Ibid., 9, 13.
11. Ibid., 4–5, 15.
12. Dall discusses this in ibid., 16. In her concluding comments to the autobiographical sketch, Dall again emphasized how it was ‘‘free from all egotism’’ (164).
13. PI,
18. See also 161–62 and a letter Zakrzewska wrote to Dall on 1 December 1860, Dall Papers, box 3, folder 5. Notably, several of the book’s reviewers addressed the appropriateness of publishing an autobiography, only to explain why Zakrzewska’s sketch should not be seen as lacking in decorum. See the collection of reviews in Scrapbook #1, Dall Papers.
14. On the genre of women’s autobiography, see Heilbrun, Writing a Woman’s Life, esp. the introduction, 11–31; Jelinek, Tradition of Women’s Autobiography, 90; and Wagner-Martin, Telling Women’s Lives.
15. On Longshore, see Wells, Out of the Dead House, 131. On Dixon-Jones, see Morantz-Sanchez, Conduct Unbecoming a Woman.
16. Booth to Dall, 19 October 1860, Dall Papers, box 3, folder 4.
17. The stories from her early childhood appear in PI, 19–24. Quotations are from 19, 20, and 24.
18. Ibid., 24.
19. Ibid., 36–37.
20. Ibid., 26.
21. Cott, ‘‘Passionless’’; Douglas, Feminization of American Culture.
22. Numbers and Schoepflin, ‘‘Ministries of Healing.’’ For a di√erent take on Zakrzewska’s story of the night she spent with the corpse, see Wells, Out of the Dead House, 3–5.
23. PI, 35–36.
24. Ibid., 67.
NOTES TO PAGES 129 – 38
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25. Boston Transcript, Scrapbook #1, Dall Papers.
26. PI, 97.
27. Ibid., 119.
28. Ibid. On prostitution in New York City, see Stansell, City of Women, chaps. 6–9, and Nadel, Little Germany, 75–78. On antebellum melodramatic tales of seduction and abandonment, see Kunzel, Fallen Women, Problem Girls, chap. 1.
29. PI, 115–19.
30. Dall, conclusion to PI, 166–67.
31. Heinzen, Rights of Women and the Sexual Relations, 32.
32. Ibid., 36.
33. Ibid., 30, 38.
34. WQ, 156. See also Zakrzewska’s comment that when she had first arrived in Boston the fear still existed ‘‘that the study of medicine would unsex girls.’’ Ibid., 245.
35. Portland Transcript, London Critic, and Monthly, all in Scrapbook #1, Dall Papers.
36. Boston Transcript, Christian Register, Christian Examiner, all in ibid.
37. C. K. W., Liberator, Portland Transcript, Christian Examiner, all in ibid.
38. London Critic, Boston Transcript, Boston Journal, all in ibid.
39. Boston Journal, Christian Inquirer, London Critic; C. W. Curtis, Harper’s, all in ibid.
40. PI, 153.
41. Ibid., 24, 69.
42. Ibid., 37.
43. Ibid., 46.
44. ‘‘Woman and the Press,’’ 95; ‘‘Notizen,’’ 6. The announcement was repeated in both newspapers every week throughout June and July.
45. The title of the announcement was the same in each journal: ‘‘Postponement of the Woman’s Journal,’’ Liberator, 43, and Der Pionier, 6.
46. Walker, Wise, & Co. to Mrs. C. H. Dall, 16 October 1861, in Dall Papers, box 5, folder 68. Dall and Booth also exchanged words about who was responsible for the financial failure.
See Booth to Dall, 10 October 1861, in ibid., box 3, folder 8.
47. Zakrzewska to Dall, 13 February 1867, in ibid., box 4, folder 12.
c h a p t e r s e v e n
1. Gregory penned these words in the college’s Tenth Annual Report, published in 1859, cited in Gardner, ‘‘Midwife, Doctor, or Doctress?,’’ 142. For other sources on the New England Female Medical College, see Waite, History of the New England Female Medical College; WQ, 243–87; and Walsh, ‘‘Doctors Wanted,’’ chap. 2.
2. Ludmerer, Learning to Heal, 11–12. The absence of clinical instruction in medical schools did not, however, mean that practical instruction was deemed unimportant. Rather, students were expected to acquire this knowledge on their own. See Warner, Against the Spirit of System, 26–29.
3. Waite, History of the New England Female Medical College, 11–44, 112–13; First Annual Report
NOTES TO PAGES 139 – 44
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of the Clinical Department of the New England Female Medical College, Boston, 1860, NEH Annual Reports, Blanche Ames Ames Papers, box 2a, folder 24a, 4, SL.
4. ‘‘Circular,’’ reprinted (in English) in Der Pionier, 2 July 1859, 6.
5. Waite, History of the New England Female Medical College, 45–46; WQ, 243–44; First Annual Report of the Clinical Department of the New England Female Medical College, 61; ‘‘Annual Meeting of the ‘Hospital for Women and Children,’ ’’ 182; ‘‘Bostoner Heilanstalt für Frauen und Kinder,’’ 8.
6. Jacobi, ‘‘Women in Medicine,’’ 166. See also Gardner, ‘‘Midwife, Doctor, or Doctress?,’’
177.
7. At the time Zakrzewska joined the faculty of the college, the requirements for a medical degree stated that one had to be twenty-one years old; have studied medicine three years, all of them under a licensed physician; have attended two courses of lectures, with at least one course at the college; have passed examinations in all subjects taught at the college; and have written a dissertation. See Waite, History of the New England Female Medical College, 30. For criticisms of the way Gregory has been portrayed in the stories told about his battles with Zakrzewska, see Gardner, ‘‘Midwife, Doctor, or Doctress?,’’ 143, and Tuchman, ‘‘Situating Gender.’’
8. Zakrzewska, Introductory Lecture, 7. On nineteenth-century American medical education, see Ludmerer, Learning to Heal; Rosenberg, Care of Strangers; and Rothstein, American Physicians in the Nineteenth Century. For a comparative analysis of medical education in the United States, Great Britain, France, and Germany, see Bonner, Becoming a Physician.
9. Warner, Therapeutic Perspective, esp. chaps. 3 and 6, and Against the Spirit of System, esp.
chap. 10.
10. Bleker, Die naturhistorische Schule; Tuchman, Science, Medicine, and the State. For Zakrzewska’s comments about ‘‘empirics,’’ see WQ, 165.
11. Wunderlich, ‘‘Einleitung,’’ xvi. On German rational medicine, see Tuchman, Science, Medicine, and the State.
12. Ware, ‘‘Success in the Medical Profession,’’ 518, 503.
13. Morantz-Sanchez, Sympathy and Science.
14. Ware, ‘‘Success in the Medical Profession,’’ 520. Interestingly, Zakrzewska and Ware developed a warm friendship. After reading her autobiographical sketch, he expressed his admiration for her accomplishments. Nevertheless, he still declared ‘‘intolerable’’ the idea that any of his daughters would pursue a medical career. He thus chose to view Zakrzewska as an anomaly. See Ware’s letter to Zakrzewska, 13 December 1860, cited in WQ, 255–56.
15. The quotation, which appears in WQ, 251, is not directly from Gregory. Rather, Zakrzewska is reporting hearsay, although she places this statement in quotation marks. See also ibid., 284. For a very good recent discussion of Gregory and the New England Female Medical College, see Gardner, ‘‘Midwife, Doctor, or Doctress?’’ Gregory’s concerns about the microscope were voiced by others as well. See Warner, Against the Spirit of System, 342.
16. Zakrzewska to Samuel E. Sewall, no date but probably written in the summer of 1861, cited in WQ, 281–82.
17. Ibid., 272, 256 (reference to Bowditch and Cabot), 251.
18. Gardner, ‘‘Midwife, Doctor, or Doctress?,’’ 143–44.
NOTES TO PAGES 145 – 54
288 ≤
19. Gregory, Man-Midwifery, 45. See also Gregory, Letter to Ladies, 31–32.
20. Gregory, Man-Midwifery, 29. See also Gregory, Letter to Ladies, 33.
21. Gregory, Man-Midwifery, 32, 46. Realizing that he had made unnecessary enemies through such harsh comments, Gregory dropped all accusations of greed and depravity from later publications. See Gardner, ‘‘Midwife, Doctor, or Doctress?,’’ 68–73.
22. Donegan, Women and Men Midwives; Leavitt, Brought to Bed; Wertz and Wertz, Lying-in.
23. Gregory, Man-Midwifery, 41–42.
24. Ibid., 35.<
br />
25. Ibid., 8. On the regulation of European midwives, see Marland, Art of Midwifery and Midwives, Society and Childbirth.
26. Gregory, Letter to Ladies, 22. Walsh also discusses the ambiguity in Gregory’s attitudes toward women in ‘‘Doctors Wanted,’’ 36.
27. Gregory, Letter to Ladies, 16–19. Madame Marie Louise Lachapelle (1769–1821), author of the three-volume Pratique des Accouchemens (Paris, 1821–25), was one of the better-known French midwives. A German translation of the first volume was published as early as 1825, which means Zakrzewska may very well have read her work. Madame Marie Anne Victorine Boivin, a student of Lachapelle’s and author of Traité pratique des maladies de l’utérus et de ses annexes (Paris, 1833), was awarded an honorary degree from the medical faculty of the University of Marburg in 1827. See Donnison, Midwives and Medical Men, 54, and Fassbender, Geschichte der Geburtshilfe, 256–57.
28. Gregory, Letter to Ladies, 37.
29. Gregory, ‘‘Female Physicians,’’ 246, 247.
30. Zakrzewska, Introductory Lecture, 5–6.
31. Ibid., 24. See also her article ‘‘Ueber Hospitäler’’ (4 March 1863).
32. Ginzberg, Women and the Work of Benevolence. For an excellent analysis of the attack on the rhetoric of female benevolence, see Kunzel, Fallen Women, Problem Girls. On the tradition of female benevolence, see also Cott, Bonds of Womanhood; Deutsch, Women and the City; Ryan, Women in Public and Cradle of the Middle Class; Sklar, Catherine Beecher; Smith-Rosenberg, Disorderly Conduct; and Welter, ‘‘Cult of True Womanhood, 1820–1860.’’
33. More, ‘‘ ‘Empathy’ Enters the Profession of Medicine.’’
34. For the strengths and weaknesses of earlier work on women and the professions, see Kunzel, Fallen Women, Problem Girls, 1–8.
35. On Blackwell, see Morantz-Sanchez, ‘‘Feminist Theory and Historical Practice’’; on Dolley, see More, Restoring the Balance, 13–41; on Preston, see Peitzman, New and Untried Course, 45–55, and Wells, Out of the Dead House, 57–79; on Dixon-Jones, see Morantz-Sanchez, Conduct Unbecoming a Woman; on Jacobi, see Bittel, ‘‘Science of Women’s Rights,’’ and Morantz-Sanchez, Sympathy and Science, 184–202.
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