45. Call, ‘‘Evolution of Modern Maternity Technic,’’ 395.
46. Drachman, Hospital with a Heart, 77. On the significance of including such ‘‘objective’’
information in the patient record, see Risse and Warner, ‘‘Reconstructing Clinical Activities,’’ esp. 191–92.
47. For some examples, see NEHWC, Surgical Case Records: vol. 1B (1872), #2; vol. 2 (1874),
#4, #9; vol. 8 (1884), #34; Medical Case Records: vol. 16 (1884), #16; Countway.
48. Hurd-Mead, Medical Women of America, 34. On Hurd-Mead, see Miller, ‘‘Kate Campbell Hurd-Mead.’’
NOTES TO PAGES 213 – 20
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49. Sophia Jex-Blake to her mother, 18 August 1865, reprinted in Todd, Life of Sophia Jex-Blake, 164–66.
50. Ibid.
51. Zakrzewska to the interns, 30 March 1883, 6, NEHWC Collection, box 27, folder 1173, SS. The best analysis of this first generation of women physicians remains Morantz-Sanchez, Sympathy and Science, 47–231.
52. Zakrzewska to the interns, 1 April 1876, 1, NEHWC Collection, box 27, folder 1173, SS.
The following account of this conflict is partly indebted to Drachman, Hospital with a Heart, chap. 4, although I do not always share her interpretation of the evidence.
53. Zakrzewska to the interns, 1 April 1876, 2, NEHWC Collection, box 27, folder 1173, SS.
54. Ibid., 4.
55. See, especially, Drachman, Hospital with a Heart, 112–13.
56. Zakrzewska to the interns, 1 April 1876, 4–5, 7, NEHW Collection, box 27, folder 1173, SS.
57. Zakrzewska’s 1877 address to the New England Women’s Club is reprinted in WQ, 378.
58. Zakrzewska to the interns, 1 April 1876, 4, NEHWC Collection, box 27, folder 1173, SS.
59. For a detailed discussion of the debates surrounding the reform of Harvard’s medical school, see Ludmerer, Learning to Heal, 47–53.
60. Zakrzewska to the interns, 1 April 1876, 6–7, NEHWC Collection, box 27, folder 1173, SS.
61. Ibid., 4–5.
62. Drachman, Hospital with a Heart, 113. Zakrzewska’s comment is mentioned in the Records of the Meetings of Physicians, 16 April 1876, SS.
63. Zakrzewska to the interns, 30 March 1883, 7–8, NEHWC Collection, box 27, folder 1173, SS.
64. Ibid.
65. Ludmerer, Learning to Heal, 53–57; Peitzman, New and Untried Course, 38–44.
66. Zakrzewska to the interns, 30 March 1883, 3–4, NEHWC Collection, box 27, folder 1173, SS.
67. Bonner, To the Ends of the Earth, chap. 7; Drachman, Hospital with a Heart, 108–9; Morantz-Sanchez, Sympathy and Science, 78, 164, 166; Jacobi, ‘‘Women in Medicine,’’ 189.
Blockley had actually allowed Elizabeth Blackwell to spend a summer as an intern in 1849
and Sarah Dolley to spend eleven months as an intern in 1851, but thereafter it did not hire another woman until 1883. See More, Restoring the Balance, 22–23. Bear in mind that some of these hospitals allowed women to walk the wards prior to this date; however, that is di√erent from o√ering a clinical internship.
68. Emily Blackwell, ‘‘New York Infirmary,’’ 79.
69. On the fate of other all-women’s hospitals, see Morantz-Sanchez, Sympathy and Science, 178.
70. Ibid., 159–60, 234, 253–55; Walsh, ‘‘Doctors Wanted,’’ chap. 6.
71. Zakrzewska made her comment about Heinzen’s imminent death in a letter to Mr.
Schmemann, 14 November 1880, Schmemann Papers, LBC. On Minna’s death, see ‘‘Wilhelmine J. Zakrzewska,’’ 5.
NOTES TO PAGES 220 – 25
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72. In her autobiographical sketch, Zakrzewska suggests that she responded to her mother’s death by throwing herself into her work. This may have been her way of dealing with her grief. See PI, 148–49.
73. Cited in WQ, 253.
74. Zakrzewska, ‘‘Report of Resident Physician,’’ AR, 1875, 17.
75. Zakrzewska to Sewall, 29 November 1862, cited in WQ, 302. Thanks to Judith Walzer Leavitt for helping me to understand Zakrzewska’s maternal feelings toward some of her interns.
76. Zakrzewska to the interns, 30 October 1891, 1–2, NEHWC Collection, box 27, folder 1173, SS.
77. For an analysis of the way medical debates in the nineteenth century frequently re-volved around claims about a practitioner’s character, see Morantz-Sanchez, Conduct Unbecoming a Woman; Rosenkrantz, ‘‘Search for Professional Order’’; and Warner, Against the Spirit of System.
78. Interns to the Board of Physicians, 12 October 1891, in NEHWC Collection, box 27, folder 1173, SS.
79. Alice Hamilton to Agnes Hamilton, 29 October 1893 and 6 December 1893, in Sicherman, Alice Hamilton, 71–72, 75.
80. Bledstein, Culture of Professionalism; Haber, Quest for Authority and Honor; Starr, Social Transformation of American Medicine; Larson, Rise of Professionalism; Numbers, ‘‘Fall and Rise of the American Medical Profession.’’
81. Front page, AR, 1865, 3. The five physicians included two attending physicians, one resident physician, and two assistant physicians.
82. Front page, AR, 1891, 4. The sixteen physicians included one resident physician, two advisory physicians, twelve attending physicians and surgeons, and one director of electricity.
To be sure, compared with an operation like Massachusetts General, the New England was still small, but the growth was significant nonetheless.
83. Morantz-Sanchez, Sympathy and Science, 232–33.
84. Cited in ibid., 60–61.
85. Deutsch, Women and the City, 148. See also Ginzberg, Women and the Work of Benevolence.
86. See More, ‘‘Blackwell Medical Society’’ and Restoring the Balance, 8–9. See also Morantz-Sanchez, Sympathy and Science, 144.
87. Barry, Susan B. Anthony, 200.
88. Sicherman, Exploring the Dangerous Trades, 267–70. See also Morantz-Sanchez, Sympathy and Science, 178.
89. On hospitals and the metaphor of the family, see Rosenberg, Care of Strangers, 42–43.
90. Zakrzewska to the interns, 30 October 1891, 4, NEHWC Collection, box 27, folder 1173, SS. See also WQ, 376, 395, 426.
91. One should refrain from romanticizing the former. As Kate Hurd-Mead, who interned at the New England Hospital in 1888, pointed out, Zakrzewska’s notion of stewardship ‘‘led her to watch even the spare time of the young doctors, and to denounce what she considered harmful contemporary literature, especially the novels of Tolstoi.’’ See Hurd-Mead, Medical Women of America, 34. I am not, moreover, suggesting that Hamilton lacked a sense of ethical
NOTES TO PAGES 225 – 30
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wrongdoing when she decided to leave the hospital. However, she was more concerned about what it would mean to break a contract than about what it might mean for the institution.
92. On competing understandings of professionalism among women physicians in the United States, see Morantz-Sanchez, Sympathy and Science, esp. chap. 6, and More, Restoring the Balance, esp. chap. 2.
93. Alice Hamilton to Agnes Hamilton, 6 December 1893, in Sicherman, Alice Hamilton, 73–74.
94. See, for example, Zakrzewska to Mr. Goddard (board of directors), 13 May 1891 and 6
June 1893, both in NEHWC Collection, box 8, folder 40, SS. For a detailed discussion of these disagreements, see Drachman, Hospital with a Heart, 132–39.
95. Zakrzewska admitted as much, although her comment is not dated; mentioned in
‘‘Communication from the Medical Board of the NEHWC, presented to the Board of Directors,’’ 25 May 1891, NEHWC collection, box 6, folder 16, SS.
96. Rosenberg, ‘‘Inward Vision and Outward Glance.’’
97. Zakrzewska to Susan B. Anthony, 30 January 1893, National American Women’s Su√rage Association, LC. See also Drachman, Hospital with a Heart, 105.
98. Zakrzewska to Paulina Pope, 28 October 1901, NEHWC Collection, box 1, folder 2, SS. I am grateful to Regina Morantz-Sanchez for sending me a tran
scription of this letter.
99. Drachman, Hospital with a Heart, 160–72.
100. Ibid., 186–95.
101. Zakrzewska mentioned this in a letter to George A. Goddard, 6 June 1893, NEHWC
Collection, box 8, folder 40, SS.
102. Rosenberg, ‘‘Inward Vision and Outward Glance,’’ 383.
103. According to the author of a 1900 article in the Journal of the American Medical Association: ‘‘Indeed, to a large extent, the hospital with its wards, outpatient department, its operating rooms, its dead-house, and its laboratories, is the medical school’’; cited in Haber, Quest for Authority, 345.
c h a p t e r e l e v e n
1. Rosenberg, ‘‘Therapeutic Revolution.’’
2. On Blackwell, see Morantz-Sanchez, Sympathy and Science, 184–202, and ‘‘Feminist Theory and Historical Practice.’’ On other critics of laboratory medicine, see Geison, ‘‘Divided We Stand’’; Maulitz, ‘‘ ‘Physician versus Bacteriologist’ ’’; and Warner, ‘‘Ideals of Science and Their Discontents’’ and Against the Spirit of System, especially the last chapter.
3. Warner, Against the Spirit of System, 336.
4. Morantz-Sanchez, ‘‘Feminist Theory and Historical Practice,’’ 61. See also Blackwell,
‘‘Influence of Women in the Profession of Medicine’’ and ‘‘Erroneous Method in Medical Education.’’
5. Had Zakrzewska at this point directly challenged these gendered meanings, I would argue that her philosophical position had not changed. She would simply have become an advocate for a di√erent style of practice, insisting just as adamantly that the way one prac-
NOTES TO PAGES 230 – 39
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ticed medicine had nothing to do with one’s sex. But Zakrzewska’s silence on this score—in direct contrast to her outspoken attack on the gendering of these styles back in the 1860s—
suggests that she had become ambivalent, and even somewhat conflicted, about the role that her gender played in shaping her outlook on care.
6. Zakrzewska, ‘‘Report of One Hundred and Eighty-Seven Cases.’’
7. Leavitt, Brought to Bed, chaps. 2 and 6.
8. Zakrzewska, ‘‘Report of One Hundred and Eighty-Seven Cases,’’ 557, 559.
9. Ibid., 557.
10. See Chapter 7 of this book.
11. Zakrzewska, ‘‘Report of One Hundred and Eighty-Seven Cases,’’ 558.
12. See Chapter 2 of this book.
13. Zakrzewska, ‘‘Report of One Hundred and Eighty-Seven Cases,’’ 558.
14. On developments in nineteenth-century statistical methods, see Cassedy, American Medicine and Statistical Thinking, and Porter, Rise of Statistical Thinking and Trust in Numbers.
15. On the centrality of storytelling in mid-nineteenth-century medical practices, see Stowe, ‘‘Seeing Themselves at Work.’’
16. This story is reprinted in WQ, 322–27; quotation on 324.
17. Zakrzewska to Blackwell, 21 March 1891, Blackwell Family Papers, SL. Zakrzewska’s comments almost make her sound like a disciple of Hahnemann, although a closer reading suggests less an embrace of homeopathic principles than skepticism about the e≈cacy of any drugs at all. Still, her assertion that she used most medicines—if at all—in ‘‘infinitessimal [ sic]
doses’’ signals a move toward homeopathic practices, if not principles. Whether she had always favored a more conservative therapeutic approach (as she asserted) is di≈cult to determine, since we know virtually nothing about her style of medical practice and how it might have changed over time. But once again, as in her discussion of childbirth, what is certain is Zakrzewska’s decision to portray herself in a radically di√erent way than she had in the past.
18. Geison, ‘‘Divided We Stand’’; Maulitz, ‘‘ ‘Physician versus Bacteriologist’ ’’; Rosenkrantz, ‘‘Search for Professional Order’’; Warner, ‘‘Ideals of Science and Their Discontents.’’
19. Warner, ‘‘From Specificity to Universalism’’ and Against the Spirit of System. See also Chapter 7 of this book.
20. Warner, Against the Spirit of System, 291–364. See also Rosenkrantz, ‘‘Search for Professional Order.’’
21. This more nuanced critique of the laboratory was also true by and large of the Paris-trained physicians. See Warner, Against the Spirit of System, 348.
22. On Jacobi’s comment about ‘‘bacteriomania,’’ see Warner, ‘‘Hunting the Yellow Fever Germ.’’ A concise explanation of Virchow’s position can be found in Evans, Death in Hamburg, 272–75. See also Goschler, Rudolf Virchow, 286–95.
23. On Mary Putnam Jacobi, see Bittel, ‘‘Science of Women’s Rights’’; Morantz-Sanchez, Sympathy and Science, 184–202; and Wells, Out of the Dead House, 146–92. On Mary Dixon-Jones, see Morantz-Sanchez, Conduct Unbecoming a Woman.
24. Morantz-Sanchez, ‘‘Gendering of Empathic Expertise’’; More, ‘‘ ‘Empathy’ Enters the Profession of Medicine’’ and Restoring the Balance.
NOTES TO PAGES 239 – 47
304 ≤
25. Zakrzewska to Blackwell, 21 March 1891, Blackwell Family Papers, SL. Zakrzewska made several references to the golden rule throughout her lifetime. See WQ, 315, 316, 417, 422.
26. Zakrzewska to Blackwell, 21 March 1891, Blackwell Family Papers, SL. For Blackwell’s comments on ovariotomies, see her ‘‘Scientific Method in Biology,’’ 119–20.
27. Morantz-Sanchez, Conduct Unbecoming a Woman. On the controversies over gynecologic surgery, see Chapter 4. See also McGregor, Sexual Surgery and the Origins of Gynecology; Moscucci, Science of Woman; and Theriot, ‘‘Women’s Voices in Nineteenth-Century Medical Discourse.’’
28. Cited in Morantz-Sanchez, Sympathy and Science, 195.
29. Blackwell, ‘‘Influence of Women in the Profession of Medicine,’’ 9. See also Morantz-Sanchez, ‘‘Feminist Theory and Historical Practice,’’ 59–60.
30. On Blackwell, see especially Morantz-Sanchez, ‘‘Gendering of Empathic Expertise.’’
31. Zakrzewska’s comment about Booth is from ‘‘Mary L. Booth,’’ 106. Her comment about the year is from Zakrzewska to Severance, 14 February 1890, Severance Papers.
32. Zakrzewska to Severance, 8 September 1889, Severance Papers. The letter from 10
September was a continuation of this letter.
33. Zakrzewska to Severance, 10 September 1889, Severance Papers. Although Haeckel eventually transformed monism into a quasi-religious philosophy, in the late 1880s he was still promoting his ideas as a pro-Darwinian scientific movement that drew heavily on the German scientific materialists in its anti-Christian stance. See Holt, ‘‘Ernst Haeckel’s Monistic Religion.’’
34. Zakrzewska to Severance, 10 September 1889, Severance Papers.
35. Zakrzewska to Severance, 11 September, no year but probably 1890, Severance Papers.
36. Zakrzewska to Blackwell, undated but probably 1900, National American Women’s Su√rage Association, LC.
37. Zakrzewska to Blackwell, 21 March 1891, Blackwell Family Papers, SL.
38. Ibid.
39. Bittel, ‘‘Science of Women’s Rights.’’
40. See Morantz-Sanchez, ‘‘Gendering of Empathic Expertise,’’ and More, Restoring the Balance, 8–9. More builds on the work of Judith Walzer Leavitt, who argues that the values that became female-gendered at the end of the century were once shared by male physicians as well, especially those practicing in rural settings where the distinction between public and private often made little sense. See Leavitt, ‘‘ ‘Worrying Profession.’ ’’
41. ‘‘Paper Read by Dr. Zakrzewska,’’ AR, 1892, 11–12.
42. Zakrzewska to Mr. Goddard, 13 May 1891, NEHWC Collection, SS.
43. Cited in Marie Elizabeth Zakrzewska: A Memoir, 24.
c h a p t e r t w e l v e
1. On Zakrzewska’s involvement with the New England Women’s Club, see the New England Women’s Club Records, box 1, vols. 3 and 4, SL. On her involvement with the
≤ 305
Roxbury Women’s Su√rage League, see her letter to Susan B. Anthony, 30 January 1893, National American Women’s Su√rage Association, LC.
2. The first quotation is cited in WQ, 221; it is undated, and the source is not mentioned.
The second quotation is from Zakrzewska to Sprague, 6 September 1896, New England Women’s Club Records, vol. 1, Scrapbook, SL.
3. Sprague to Severance, 9 August 1892; Zakrzewska to Severance, 31 August 1890; Zakrzewska to Severance, 8 September 1889; Zakrzewska to Severance, 2 August 1891, all in Severance Papers; Sprague to Kitty Blackwell, 25 August 1899, Blackwell Family Papers, LC.
4. Zakrzewska to Blackwell, 29 October 1895, Blackwell Family Papers, LC.
5. Ibid. On earlier tensions in their relationship, see Elizabeth Blackwell to Emily and Kitty Blackwell, 15 November 1865; Elizabeth Blackwell to Kitty Barry, 27 May 1881; and Kitty Barry to Alice Stone Blackwell, 18 January 1886, all in Blackwell Family Papers, LC.
6. Sprague to Kitty Blackwell, 28 December 1896, Blackwell Family Papers, LC. On Zakrzewska’s realization that this was her last trip to Europe, see Sprague to Severance, 9
November 1905, Severance Papers.
7. Zakrzewska to Cheney, undated, cited in Marie Elizabeth Zakrzewska: A Memoir, 24–25.
8. Sprague to Severance, 7 June 1901, Severance Papers.
9. Zakrzewska to Blackwell, 6 July 1901, Blackwell Family Papers, HL.
10. Zakrzewska to Elizabeth and Kitty Barry Blackwell, 24 January 1902, Blackwell Family Papers, LC.
11. Sprague to Severance, 2 February 1902; see also Sprague to Severance, 8 July 1902; both in Severance Papers.
12. Sprague mentions this diagnosis in a letter to Severance, 22 February, no year but probably 1905, Severance Papers. The physician who attended Zakrzewska during her final illness was Dr. Fanny Berlin.
13. Sprague to Severance, 8 July 1901, Severance Papers.
14. Sprague to Kitty Barry, 16 November 1902, Blackwell Family Papers, SL.
15. Sprague discusses her inheritance in two letters, one to Severance, 8 July 1902, Severance Papers, and the other to Kitty Barry, 16 November 1902, Blackwell Family Papers, SL. I have been unable to determine Sprague’s exact date of death, but her last letter to Severance was written around 1909 or 1910, and since Severance lived on until 1914, that may have marked the approximate time of Sprague’s death.
Science Has No Sex Page 45
