by Dale Brown
“Damn it all, I thought we had enough security around there,” Rahmati cursed. The station was the government’s first experiment into allowing foreign investment and part ownership in businesses in Persia. With the world’s fourth-largest oil reserves, petroleum companies around the world were eager to move into the newly freed country and tap its wealth, almost untouched for decades since the Western embargoes against the theocratic Iranian government following the takeover of the U.S. Embassy in 1979. It was much, much more than a simple gasoline station—it was a symbol of a reborn, twenty-first-century Persia.
Everyone understood that, even soldiers like Rahmati, whose main goal in life was to look out for number one—himself. He came from a privileged family and joined the military because of its prestige and benefits after it was apparent that he wasn’t smart enough to become a doctor, lawyer, or engineer. After Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini’s revolution, he saved his skin by swearing fealty to the theocrats, informing on his fellow officers and friends to the Pasdaran i-Engelab, the Revolutionary Guards Corps, and by giving up much of his family’s hard-earned riches in bribes and tributes. Although he hated the theocracy for taking everything he had, he didn’t join the coup until it was obvious that it was going to succeed. “I want a reserve platoon to go in with the firefighters to put out those fires,” he went on, “and if any protesters get near, they are to push them back north of Azadi Avenue and northwest of the square, even if they have to crack some skulls. I don’t want—”
“If you were going to say, ‘I don’t want to let this get out of control,’ Colonel, cracking skulls is not the way to accomplish that,” a voice said behind him. Rahmati turned, then snapped to and called the room to attention as the leader of the military coup, General Hesarak al-Kan Buzhazi, entered the room.
The struggle to free his country from the grip of the theocrats and Islamists had aged Buzhazi well beyond his sixty-two years. Tall and always slender, he now struggled to take time to eat enough to maintain a healthy weight amidst his twenty-hour-a-day duties, infrequent and sparse meals, and the necessity of staying on the move to confuse his enemies—inside his cadre as well as outside—that were relentlessly hunting him. He still wore a closely cropped beard and mustache, but had shaved his head so he didn’t have to take the time to keep his former flowing gray locks looking good. Although he had traded his military uniform for a suit and French-styled Gatsby shirt, he did carry a military-style greatcoat without decorations and wore spit-shined paratrooper’s boots under his slacks, and he wore a PC9 nine-millimeter automatic pistol in a shoulder rig under his jacket. “As you were,” he ordered. The others in the room relaxed. “Report, Colonel.”
“Yes, sir.” Rahmati quickly ran down the most serious events of the past few hours; then: “Sorry for that outburst, sir. I’m just a little frustrated, that’s all. I put extra men on that station just to prevent such an occurrence.”
“Your frustration sounded like an order to retaliate against anti-government protesters, Colonel, and that won’t help the situation,” Buzhazi said. “We’ll deal harshly with the perpetrators, not the protesters. Understood?”
“Yes, sir.”
Buzhazi looked carefully at his brigade commander. “Looks like you need some rest, Mostafa.”
“I’m fine, sir.”
Buzhazi nodded, then looked around the room. “Well, you can’t run your brigade from here all the time, can you? Let’s go see what happened out there.” Rahmati gulped, then nodded, reluctantly following the general out the door, wishing he had agreed to take a nap. Traveling the streets of Tehran—even in broad daylight, within the portion of the city Buzhazi controlled, and with a full platoon of battle-hardened security forces—was never a safe or advisable move.
Every block of the two kilometers from the airport to Meda Azari Park was a maze of concrete and steel chicanes designed to slow the heaviest vehicles down; there was a new checkpoint every three blocks, and even Buzhazi’s motorcade had to stop and be searched each time. Buzhazi didn’t seem to mind one bit, using the opportunity to greet his soldiers and the few citizens out on the street. Rahmati didn’t want to get that close to anyone, choosing instead to keep his AK-74 assault rifle at the ready. As they got closer to the park and the crowds got larger, Buzhazi strode down the street, shaking hands with those who offered their hand, waving to others, and shouting a few words of encouragement. His bodyguards had to step lively to keep up with him.
Rahmati had to hand it to the guy: the old warhorse knew how to work a crowd. He waded into the crowds fearlessly, shook hands with those who might just as well be holding a gun or trigger for a bomb vest, spoke to reporters and gave statements in front of TV cameras, had his picture taken with civilians and military men, kissed babies and old toothless women, and even acted as a traffic officer when fire trucks tried to enter the area, urging the crowds back and directing confused motorists away. But now they were just a few blocks from the gas station fire, and the crowds were getting thicker and much more restive. “Sir, I suggest we interview the security patrols and find out if any witnesses saw what happened or if any security cameras were operating,” Rahmati said, making it clear that here would be a good place to do that.
Buzhazi didn’t seem to hear him. Instead of stopping he kept on walking, heading right for the largest and noisiest gaggle gathering on the northwest side of the park. Rahmati had no choice but to stay with him, rifle at the ready.
Buzhazi didn’t turn around, but seemed to sense the brigade commander’s anxiety. “Put the weapon away, Mostafa,” Buzhazi said.
“But sir—”
“If they wanted a shot at me they could have done it two blocks ago, before we were looking at each other eye to eye,” Buzhazi said. “Tell the security detail to shoulder their weapons as well.” The team leader, an impossibly young air force major by the name of Haddad, must have heard him, because the bodyguards’ weapons had already disappeared by the time Rahmati turned to relay the order.
The crowd visibly tensed as Buzhazi and his bodyguards approached, and the small knot of men, women, and even some kids quickly grew. Rahmati was no policeman or expert on crowd psychology, but he noticed as more onlookers came closer to see what was going on, the others would be pressed farther and farther forward, toward the source of danger, causing them to feel trapped and scared for their life. Once panic started to set in, the crowd would quickly and suddenly turn into a mob; and when some soldier or armed individual felt his life was in danger, the shooting would start and the casualties would quickly mount.
But Buzhazi seemed oblivious to the obvious: he kept on marching forward—not threateningly, but not with any kind of false bravado or friendliness either; all business, but not confrontational like a soldier or glad-handed like a politician. Did he think he was going to drop in on some friends and discuss the issues of the day, or sit down to watch a football match? Or did he think he was invulnerable? Whatever his mental state, he was not reading this crowd correctly. Rahmati began thinking about how he was going to get to his rifle…and at the same time trying to decide which way he could run if this situation completely went to hell.
“Salam aleikom,” Buzhazi called when about ten paces from the growing crowd, raising his right hand in greeting as well as to show he was unarmed. “Is anyone hurt here?”
A young man no more than seventeen or eighteen stepped forward and jabbed a finger at the general. “What does a damned soldier care if anyone is—?” And then he stopped, his finger still extended. “You! Hesarak Buzhazi, the new emperor of Persia! The reincarnation of Cyrus and Alexander himself! Are we required to genuflect before you, or is a simple bow sufficient, my lord?”
“I said, is anyone—?”
“What do you think of your empire now, General?” the young man asked, motioning to the clouds of acrid smoke swirling not too far away. “Or is it ‘Emperor’ Buzhazi now?”
“If no one is in need of assistance, I need volunteers to keep others away fro
m the blast site, locate witnesses, and gather evidence until the police arrive,” Buzhazi said, turning his attention away—but not completely away—from the loud firebrand. He sought out the eldest person in the crowd. “You, sir. I need you to ask for volunteers and to secure this crime scene. Then I need—”
“Why should we help you, lord and master sir?” the first young man shouted. “You were the one who brought this violence upon us! Iran was a peaceful and secure country until you came in, slaughtered everyone who didn’t agree with your totalitarian ideas, and took over. Why should we cooperate with you?”
“Peaceful and secure, yes—under the heel of the clerics, Islamists, and crazies who killed or imprisoned anyone who didn’t comply with their edicts,” Buzhazi said, unable to avoid being drawn into a debate he knew was not going to be won. “They betrayed the people like they betrayed myself and everyone in the army. They—”
“That’s what this is about, isn’t it, Mr. Emperor: you?” the man said. “You don’t like the way you were treated by your former friends, the clerics, so you slaughtered them and took over. Why do we care what you say now? You’ll tell us anything to stay in power until you’re done raping the country, and then you’ll fly off right from your very conveniently located new headquarters at Mehrabad Airport.”
Buzhazi was silent for a few moments, then nodded, which surprised everyone around. “You’re right, young man. I was angry at the deaths of my soldiers, who had worked so hard to get rid of the radicals and nutcases in the Basij and make something of themselves, their unit, and their lives.” After Buzhazi had been dismissed as chief of staff, following the American stealth bomber attacks against their Russian-made aircraft carrier years earlier, he had been demoted to commander of the Basij-i-Mostazefin, or “Mobilization of the Oppressed,” a group of civilian volunteers who informed on neighbors, acted as lookouts and spies, and roamed the streets terrorizing others to conform and cooperate with the Revolutionary Guards Corps.
Buzhazi purged the Basij of the gangsters and rabble-rousers and transformed the remainder into the Internal Defense Force, a true military reserve force. But their success challenged the domination of the Revolutionary Guards Corps, and they acted to try to discredit—or preferably destroy—Buzhazi’s fledgling national guard force. “When I learned it was the Pasdaran that had staged the attack against my first operational reserve unit, making it look like a Kurdish insurgent action, just to hurt and discredit the Internal Defense Force, I got angry and lashed out.
“But the Islamists and the terrorists the clerics have brought into our country are the real problem, son, not the Pasdaran,” Buzhazi went on. “They have gutted the minds of this nation, emptied them of all common sense and decency, and filled it with nothing but fear, contempt, and blind obedience.”
“So what is the difference between you and the clerics, Buzhazi?” another young man shouted. Rahmati could see the crowd was getting bolder, more vocal, and not afraid to get closer every second. “You kill off the clerics and take down the government—our government, the one we elected!—and replace it with your junta. We see your troops breaking down doors, burning buildings, stealing, and raping every day!”
The crowd noisily voiced its agreement, and Buzhazi had to raise his hands and voice to be heard: “First of all, I promise you, if you bring me evidence of a theft or rape by any soldier under my command, I will personally put a bullet in his head,” he shouted. “No tribunal, no secret trial, no hearing—bring me the evidence, convince me, and I will drag the man responsible before you and execute him myself.
“Second, I am not forming a government in Persia, and I am not a president or emperor—I am commander of the resistance forces temporarily in place to quell violence and establish order. I will stay in command long enough to root out the insurgents and terrorists and supervise the formation of some form of government that will draft a constitution and enact laws governing the people, and then I will step down. That is why I set up my headquarters at Mehrabad—not for a quick escape, but to show that I’m not going to occupy legitimate government offices and call myself a president.”
“That’s what Musharraf, Castro, Chávez, and hundreds of other dictators and despots said when they engineered their coups and took over the government,” the young man said. “They said they fought for the people and would leave as soon as order was established, and before you knew it they had installed themselves in office for life, placed their friends and thugs in positions of power, suspended or tossed out the constitution, taken over the banks, nationalized all the businesses, taken away land and wealth from the rich, and closed any media outlets that opposed them. You will do the same in Iran.”
Buzhazi studied the young man for a moment, then carefully scanned the others around him. Those, he observed, were some very good points—this guy was very intelligent and well read for such an age, and he suspected most of the others were too. He was not among normal street kids here.
“I judge a man by his actions, not his words—friend as well as enemy,” Buzhazi said. “I could promise you peace, happiness, security, and prosperity, just like any politician, or I could promise you a place in heaven like the clerics, but I won’t. All I can promise is that I will fight as hard as I can to stop the insurgents from tearing our country apart before we’ve had a chance to form a government of the people, whatever that government will be. I will use all my skills, training, and experience to make this country secure until a government by the people stands up.”
“Those sound like pretty words to me, Mr. Emperor, the kind you just pledged you wouldn’t use.”
Buzhazi smiled and nodded, looking at those who seemed the angriest or most distrustful directly in the eye. “I see many of you have cell phone cameras, so you have video proof of what I say. If I was the dictator you think I am, I’d confiscate all those phones and have you tossed in prison.”
“You could do that tonight after you break into our homes and roust us out of bed.”
“But I won’t,” Buzhazi said. “You are free to send the videos out to anyone on the planet, post it on YouTube, sell it to the media. The video will be documentation of my promise to you, but my actions will be the final proof.”
“How do we send out any videos, old man,” a young woman asked, “when power is only on for three hours a day? We are lucky if the phones work for a few minutes each day.”
“I read the postings, I surf the Internet, and I lurk on the blogs, just like you,” Buzhazi said. “The American satellite global wireless Internet system works well even in Persia—may I remind you that it was jammed by the clerics in order to try to prevent you from receiving contrary news from the outside world—and I know many of you enterprising young people have built pedal-powered generators to recharge your laptops when the power goes out. I may be an old man, young lady, but I’m not completely out of touch.” He was pleased to see a few smiles appear on the faces of those around him—finally, he thought, he was starting to speak their language.
“But I remind you that the power goes out because of insurgent attacks on our power generators and distribution networks,” he went on. “There’s an enemy out there who doesn’t care about the people of Persia—all they want is to regain power for themselves, and they’ll do it any way they can think of, even if it hurts or kills innocent citizens. I took power away from them and allowed the citizens of this country to communicate with the outside world again. I allowed foreign investment and aid to return to Persia, while the clerics shut out the rest of the world for over thirty years and hoarded the wealth and power of this nation. That’s the action I’m talking about, my friends. I can say absolutely nothing, and those actions would speak louder than a thousand thunderstorms.”
“So when will the attacks stop, General?” the first man asked. “How long will it take to drive the insurgents out?”
“Long after I’m dead and buried, I think,” Buzhazi said. “So then it’ll be up to you. How long do you want it to t
ake, son?”
“Hey, you started this war, not me!” the man thundered, shaking his fist. “Do not lay this at my feet! You say you’ll be dead long before this is over—well, why don’t you just go to hell now and save us all a lot of time!” A few in the crowd blinked at the man’s violent outburst, but said or did nothing. “And I am not your son, old man. My father was killed in the street outside the shop my family has owned for three generations, during a gun battle between your troops and the Pasdaran, right before my eyes, my mother’s, and my baby sister’s.”
Buzhazi nodded. “I am sorry. Then tell me your name.”
“I don’t feel like telling you my name, old man,” the young man said bitterly, “because I see you and your forces just as capable of arresting me or shooting me in the head as the Pasdaran reportedly were.”
“‘Reportedly?’ You doubt that the Pasdaran are killing anyone who opposes the clerics?”
“I saw plenty of violence and bloodthirstiness on both sides in the gun battle in which my father was killed,” the young man went on, “and I see very little difference between you and the clerics except perhaps the clothes you wear. Are you correct or justified in your actions just because the Americans swooped in and helped you drive the Pasdaran temporarily out of the capital? When you are driven out, will you be the new insurgents then? Will you make war on the innocent because you think you are correct?”
“If you truly believe that I’m no better or worse than the Islamic Revolutionary Guards, then no amount of words will ever convince you otherwise,” Buzhazi said, “and you will blame your father’s death on any convenient target. I am sorry for your loss.” He turned and scanned the others around him. “I see a lot of angry faces out here in the street, but I hear some extremely intelligent voices as well. My question to you is: If you’re so smart, what are you doing out here just standing around? Your fellow citizens are dying, and you do nothing but shuffle from attack to attack shaking your fists at my soldiers while the insurgents move to the next target.”
