by Henry Kamen
8. Cf. Carande, I, 167, and the subsequent pages.
9. What follows is a summary of the presentation in my Spain 1469–1714. A society of conflict, London 1991, Chapter 1.
10. The bachiller Palma, quoted in J. N. Hillgarth, The Spanish kingdoms 1250–1516. Vol.II 1410–1516, Oxford 1978, p.364.
11. Relevant quotations may be found in Arco y Garay, pp.119–121.
12. Cf. Eduardo Aznar Vallejo, ‘The conquests of the Canary Islands’, in Schwartz 1994, pp.148–51.
13. This information, and what follows, is derived from L. A. Anaya Hernández, ‘Los aborígenes canarios y los estatutos de limpieza’, El museo canario, xlix (1994). I thank the author for giving me a copy of his article.
14. Grove, p.29.
15. Fernández-Armesto, p.13.
16. Otte 1996, p.215.
17. Fernández-Armesto, p.21.
18. Ibid., pp.15–21.
19. David E. Vassberg, The village and the outside world in Golden Age Castile, Cambridge 1996, pp.67, 129, 174.
20. Olesa Muñido, I, 360–1, mentions no naval actions.
21. What follows is based on the essay by Eloy Benito Ruano, ‘La participación extranjera en la guerra de Granada’, RABM, 80, no.4, Oct–Dec 1977.
22. Quoted by Benito Ruano, ‘Participación’, p.689.
23. M. J. Viguera Molins, ‘El ejército’, in El reino nazarí de Granada (1232-1492), Madrid 2000, p.447.
24. M. A. Ladero Quesada, Castilla y la Conquista del reino de Granada, Valladolid 1967, p.201.
25. Otte 1996, pp.187, 190.
26. Isaba, p.226.
27. John Edwards, The Spain of the Catholic Monarchs 1474–1520, Oxford 2000, pp. 124–127.
28. M. J. Viguera Molins, ‘El ejército’, in El reino nazarí de Granada (1232-1492), Madrid 2000, pp.444–445.
29. Benito Ruano, ‘Participación’, p.688.
30. Letter of Aug. 1489, in Epistolario de Pedro Martir de Anglería, CODOIN, vol.IX, Madrid 1953, p.123.
31. Quoted in L. P. Harvey, Islamic Spain 1250 to 1500, Chicago 1990, p.278.
32. The finest account of the siege of Málaga is in Prescott 1841, chap.XIII.
33. Harvey, p.304.
34. Ibid., p.305.
35. Cf. M. A. Ladero Quesada, Granada. Historia de un pais islamico (1232-1571), Madrid 1969, p.150.
36. A. Fernández de Madrid, Vida de Fray Fernando de Talavera, ed. Granada 1992.
37. Cisneros to the chapter of Toledo, 3 Feb 1500, in Ladero Quesada 1988, p.427.
38. Cited in Ladero Quesada 1988, p.305 n.66.
39. Royal letter of 12 Oct 1501, in Ladero Quesada 1988, p.478.
40. Quoted by L. P. Harvey, in Legacy of Muslim Spain, p.219.
41. For a recent survey, Kamen 1998.
42. For a fuller discussion of the background to the expulsion, see Kamen 1998, chap.2.
43. Joseph Ha Cohen and Rabbi Capsali, in David Raphael, The Expulsion 1492 Chronicles, Hollywood 1992, pp.17, 106.
44. Cf. Mark D. Meyerson, ‘Religious change, regionalism, and royal power in the Spain of Fernando and Isabel’, in L. J. Simon, ed., Iberia and the Mediterranean World of the Middle Ages, vol.I, Leiden 1995, pp.101–2.
45. Cf. G. V. Scammell, The world encompassed. The first European maritime empires c.800–1650, London 1981, p.336: ‘No more than that of Portugal was Spanish expansion the outcome of precocious nautical skills.’
46. Interestingly, in a recent study where the authors present naval power as a prerequisite of imperial power, they omit the Spanish and concentrate only on the Portuguese and the Dutch: Karen A. Rasler and William R. Thompson, The Great Powers and global struggle 1490–1990, Lexington 1994, pp.6, 16, 18.
47. Cf. the presentation in Carande, I, 351, 363–4.
48. He hit his head on the lintel of a low doorway.
49. José M. Doussinague, La política internacional de Fernando el Católico, Madrid 1944, p.97.
50. He lived at Xátiva, and in 1526 married Germaine de Foix (formerly the wife of Ferdinand the Catholic) and was appointed titular viceroy of Valencia; he died in 1559.
51. Brantôme, I, 35.
52. See the study by Raffaele Puddu, Il soldato gentilhuomo, Bologna 1982.
53. The Navarrese general (1460–1528) was not ransomed by King Ferdinand, and in revenge he renounced his estates and his allegiance to the king and took service with France. In a subsequent campaign in Italy, however, he was captured by the Spaniards and imprisoned at Naples, where he died.
54. Manglano, II, 209.
55. Prescott 1841, p.670.
56. J. Vicens i Vives, Ferran II i la ciutat de Barcelona 1479–1516, 3 vols, Barcelona 1936–7, II, 332.
57. Cf. Taylor, pp.41, 46, 58–59.
58. Tercios were not formally created until 1536; see Chapter 4 below.
59. ‘All the evidence for radical military change’, writes a leading expert, ‘came from Spain, Italy, the Netherlands and France’: Parker 1988, p.24. I confess that I cannot see the reasons for including Spain in this list.
60. Juan de Narváez, quoted in Green, III, 99.
61. Quoted in Eric Cochrane, Historians and historiography in the Italian Renaissance, Chicago 1981, p.193.
62. Crónicas del Gran Capitán, p.xxxv.
63. Cf. Galasso, p. 19. The point is an important one, but many historians ignore it; even Merriman, II, 307, claims that Naples was ‘added to the domains of the Spanish Empire’.
64. Cf. Carlos José Hernando Sánchez, El reino de Nápoles en el Imperio de Carlos V, Madrid 2001, pp.48–50.
65. Cf. Ladero Quesada 1988, pp.201–203.
66. A useful summary with reference to recent research is by Beatriz Alonso Acero, ‘Las ciudades norteafricanas de la monarquía hispánica en los siglos XVI y XVII’, Torre de los Lujanes, 45, Oct. 2001, pp.123–143.
67. Doussinague, p.134.
68. Ibid., p.135.
69. Quoted in Ricardo del Arco y Garay, Fernando el Católico, Saragossa 1939, p.270.
70. Doussinague, p.198.
71. Ibid., p.194.
72. Vilar and Lourido, pp.46–47.
73. Arco y Garay, p.646.
74. Pierre Boissonnade, Histoire de la réunion de la Navarre à la Castille, Paris 1893, p.322.
75. All figures are from Boissonnade, p.325.
76. Father of García de Toledo and grandfather of Philip II's duke of Alba.
77. Mario Garcia-Zúñiga, Privilegios fiscales y política tributaria en el reino de Navarra (siglos XVI-XVII)’, in A. M. Bernal et al., El gobierno de la economía en el imperio español, Seville 2000, p.368.
78. G. Schurhammer, Francis Xavier, vol.I: Europe, Rome 1973, p.49.
79. Cited in Arco y Garay, p. 104.
80. Cf. Thomas Brady's opinion, citing other scholars, that ‘there is growing agreement that the most important agent of [the pursuit of empire abroad] was the European nation state’, in Tracy, p.120. The conclusion cannot be applied to the most important of early modern colonial empires, the Spanish. The insistence on European political power as a prerequisite of European expansionist capacity forms part of the standard Marxist paradigm about the so-called transition from feudalism to capitalism.
81. Juan de Mariana, De rege, Madrid 1872, Biblioteca de Autores Españoles, vol.xxxi, p.475.
82. Ochoa, IV, 48–55.
83. Garrett Mattingly, Renaissance diplomacy, London and Boston 1955; Charles H. Carter, The Western European powers 1500–1700, London 1971, p.24.
84. Epistolario de Pedro Mártir, CODOIN, IX, 162.
85. Ochoa, IV, 402.
86. Manglano, II, 206.
87. As we have noted, the real victors at Ravenna were the French, who withdrew because of heavy losses.
88. In Ochoa, IV, 421.
89. Manglano, II, 79.
90. For a summary of the situation, see Kamen 1991, p.49.
91. Cited in Ruth Pike, Enterprise and adventure. The Genoese in Seville and the Opening of the New Wo
rld, Ithaca 1966, p. 192.
92. Crónicas del Gran Capitán, p.xxx.
93. Ochoa, IV, 450–452.
94. Otte 1996, p.35.
95. Ibid., p. 186.
96. Ibid., p. 119.
97. Hillgarth, p. 16.
98. Otte 1996, pp.212–213.
99. Carande, I, 440.
100. Manglano, II, 42.
101. Cf. Bernal, p.100.
102. Sauer, p.24.
103. Ibid., p.32.
104. Cf. Sauer, p.65.
105. Sauer, p.100.
106. Peter Martyr d'Anghiera, De Orbe Novo, trans. by F. A. MacNutt, 2 vols, New York 1912, I, 262.
107. Sauer, pp.96–99.
108. Cook 1998, p.207.
109 ‘Charles VIII invaded Italy in the grip of millenarian fantasies’: R. Finlay, ‘The Immortal Republic: the Myth of Venice during the Italian Wars’, SCJ, xxx, 4, 1999, P. 939.Cf. Samuel Kraus, ‘Le roi de France Charles VIII et les espérances messianiques’, REJ, 51, 1906.
110. On Columbus, see the brilliant study by Milhou 1983, p. 199.
111. Leonard, p.24.
112. See Kamen 1993, pp. 82–93.
113. The picture of a revitalized and crusading Church in Spain, too frequently transmitted by popular writers, has no basis in reality. Changes came, but they were two generations later, in the 1560s.
114. Milhou 1983, p.381.
115. See the stimulating essay by Sanjay Subrahmanyam, ‘Du Tage au Gange au XVIe siècle: une conjoncture millénariste à l'echelle eurasiatique’, Annales ESC, 56, no. 1, 2001.
Chapter 2: The Early Western Empire
1. Vargas Machuca, I, 51.
2. The best survey is still C. R. Boxer, The Portuguese Seaborne Empire 1415-1825, Harmondsworth 1973.
3. Jover 1963, pp.44–48. Jover's analysis is based on the rich collection of letters from Isabel to Charles, published in M. Carmen Mazarío Coleto, Isabel de Portugal, Madrid 1951.
4. The fundamental study is by Hayward Keniston, Francisco de los Cobos, secretary of the Emperor Charles V, Pittsburgh 1960.
5. Juan Sanchez Montes, Franceses, protestantes, turcos. Los españoles ante la política internacional de Carlos V, Pamplona 1951, p.102.
6. John M. Headley, ‘The Habsburg world empire and the revival of Ghibellinism’, in Armitage, p.66.
7. Arco y Garay, p. 127.
8. The document, discovered by Brandi, is printed in Carande, III, 521.
9. My argument coincides to some extent with that presented by Douglass C. North in a recent essay, ‘Institutions, transaction costs, and the rise of merchant empires’, in James D. Tracy; see esp. p. 27 of the essay. However, I have preferred to place the third of his three factors, namely the acceptance of risk, within the context not of insurances but of state debt.
10. Ruiz Martin 1975, p.733.
11. M. Montañez Matilla, El Correo en la España de los Austrias, Madrid 1953, p.61.
12. Cf. the names given in Ochoa, V, 572–575.
13. Ochoa, V, 73.
14. Ibid., 92.
15. Brantôme, I, 58.
16. Galasso, p.63.
17. J. M. Jover, Carlos V y los españoles, Madrid 1987 edn, p.307.
18. Cf. H. V. Bowen, Elites, enterprise and the making of the British overseas empire 1688–1775, London and New York 1996, especially Chapter 3.
19. Carande, III, 77.
20. Jover 1963, p.123.
21. Quoted in Merriman, III, 223.
22. Quoted in ibid., 122.
23. Quoted in Solnon, p.54.
24. I follow the details given by an officer who was in the battle: Garcia Cerezeda, 1,113.
25. The action of the three Castilians is verified by Eloy Benito Ruano in ‘Los aprehensores de Francisco I de Francia en Pavia’, Hispania, XVIII, 1958, p.547.
26. Taylor, p.127, does not emphasize the arquebuses, but agrees on the role of the Germans and the tactics of Pescara's light infantry.
27. Brantôme, I, 93.
28. There are many books on this famous episode. Vicente de Cadenas y Vicent, El Saco de Roma de 1527, Madrid 1974, contains good contemporary documentation.
29. Vicente de Cadenas y Vicent, El protectorado de Carlos V en Génova. La ‘condotta’ de Andrea Doria, Madrid 1977, pp.50–91.
30. Arturo Pacini, La Genova di Andrea Doria nell' Impero di Carlo V, Florence 1999, p.154.
31. Green, III, 105.
32. Merriman, III, 296.
33. Vicente de Cadenas y Vicent, Doble coronación de Carlos V en Bolonia, Madrid 1985.
34. Jover 1963, p.97.
35. Vicente de Cadenas y Vicent, Dos años en la vida del emperador Carlos V (1546–1547), Madrid 1988, p.93.
36. Galasso and Migliorini, p.48.
37. Vasto was Affonso d'Avalos d'Aquino, Doria had the title of principe di Melfi, and Gonzaga had the title of principe di Molfetta.
38. Otte 1996, pp.184–193.
39. Cited in Jover 1963, p.84.
40. Jover 1963, p.90.
41. Ibid., p.398.
42. Garcia Cerezeda, III, 247.
43. Merriman, III, 209.
44. Hernando, pp.398–404.
45. The fundamental work is Ruth Pike, Enterprise and Adventure. The Genoese in Seville and the Opening of the New World, Ithaca 1966, esp. chap.III.
46. Bernal, pp.166–169.
47. Among the very many studies on Genoese entrepreneurs, see in particular Felipe Ruiz Martín, ‘Los hombres de negocios genoveses’, in Kellenbenz.
48. Kirk, p.409.
49. Quoted in Galasso and Migliorini, p.141.
50. Quoted in Pike, p.8.
51. See the excellent survey by Angel Casals, ‘Esperanza y frustración. La defensa mediterránea de la Corona de Aragón en la primera mitad del siglo XVI’, in L'Orde de Malta, el regne de Mallorca i la Mediterrània, Palma de Mallorca 2001, p.181.
52. Cited Carande, III, 96.
53. García Cerezeda, I, 309.
54. Cited in Green, III, 100.
55. Carande, III, 108.
56. Garcia Cerezeda, I, 464.
57. Carande, III, 175–6.
58. Figures for both ships and men are based on Garcia Cerezeda, II, 21.
59. Solnon, p.55.
60. Garcia Cerezeda, II, 51.
61. Jover 1963, p.137.
62. Manglano, II, 95.
63. Jover 1963, p.151.
64. Ibid., p.176.
65. Merriman, III, 323–329.
66. Carande, III, 218.
67. There are several accounts of the disaster; I follow the documents cited in Carande, III, 219–223.
68. Merriman, III, 339.
69. The best short essay on this theme is by Werner Thomas and Eddy Stols, ‘La integración de Flandes en la Monarquía Hispánica’, in Werner and Verdonk, chap.I.
70. The phrase is from Merriman, III, 225; he follows Pirenne and others.
71. L. P. Gachard, ed., Relation des Troubles de Gand, Brussels 1846, printed in H. H. Rowen, The Low Countries in Early Modern Times, New York 1972, p.23.
72. Raymond Fagel, De Hispano-Vlaamse wereld. De contacten tussen Span-jaarden en Nederlanders 1496–1555, Brussels 1996, pp.383–385.
73. Cf. Merriman, III, 258, 266.
74. The figures are those of the Venetian ambassador in the Empire, Alvise Mocenigo, in his account of the battle printed in Cadenas y Vicent, Dos anõs en la vida del emperador, pp. 146–148.
75. The duchy of Saxony had in 1485 been divided between brothers of the same Wettin family into an ‘electoral’ and a ‘ducal’ territory. The conflicts of the Reformation era sharpened the differences between the two Saxonies.
76. The Venetian ambassador says that an Italian noble, Hippolito da Porto, captured the duke.
77. Avila y Zúñiga, p.28. m
78. Gómara appears to be the main source for Merriman (III, 258) claiming that ‘it was largely with Spaniards that Charles won the battle of Mühlberg’.
79. Cadenas y Vicent
, Dos años en la vida del emperador, p.148.
80. J. M. Jover, Carlos V y los españoles, Madrid 1987 edn, p.307.
81. Both quoted in Merriman, III, 371.
82. See Kamen 1997, chap.2, for the paragraph that follows and the quotations in it.
83. Historia general de las Indias, Zaragoza 1553, I, 4.
84. Cf. Lockhart, in James Lockhart and Stuart B. Schwarz, eds, Early Latin America, Cambridge 1983, p.78: ‘in the Caribbean one did not speak of conquest’.
85. Sauer, pp.23–28.
86. Ibid., pp.162–174.
87. Quoted in ibid., p.207.
88. Cf. Merriman, III, 536.
89. Pike, p.129.
90. Kellenbenz, p.287; Carande, III, 516–518.
91. Friede, pp.90–91.
92. Sauer, p.236.
93. Cited in ibid., p.235.
94. Cited in Sauer, p.248 [from CODOIN, 37, 181].
95. Jover 1963, p.202.
96. Garcia Cerezeda, I, 134.
97. Cross, p.401.
98. Carande, III, 18.
99. Jover 1963, p.422.
100. Carande, I, 159.
101. Cited in ibid., 248. The seizures of bullion are detailed in Carande, III, 168 and following.
102. Carande, I, 263.
103. Carande, III, 21.
104. Ibid., 382, 398.
105. Cited in ibid., 446.
106. Quoted in Merriman, III, 384.
107. Sandoval, p.479.
108. Quoted in Parker 1998, p.3.
Chapter 3: A New World
1. Cf. examples in Chile in the 1550s, in Jara, p.29.
2. Later conquistadors, and theorists in Spain itself, soon abandoned the notion that their title rested on the will of the pope, and returned to the idea that America had been won by right of ‘conquest’.
3. Cited in Carande, I, 479.
4. Sauer, p.249.
5. Bernal Díaz del Castillo, The Conquest of New Spain, trans. J. M. Cohen, Harmondsworth 1963, p.250.
6. Bernal Díaz, p.88.
7. The following quotations are taken from the Spanish text of Sahagún's Florentine Codex, in Lockhart 1993.
8. Lockhart 1993, p. 112. This passage, like some others cited here, is given in the Codex only in Nahuatl, the translation here is Lockhart's.
9. The date is that given by Bernal Díaz, and before him by Gómara; but the time interval seems inordinately long, and it is more likely that the Noche Triste took place a few days earlier on 30 June: cf. Hernando Cortés, Letters from Mexico, ed. A. R. Pagden, London 1972, p.479 n.92.
