by Henry Kamen
94. Ibid., p.679.
95. Ibid., p.680.
96. Cf. Richard Greenleaf, Zumarraga and the Mexican Inquisition, Washington 1961.
97. When the clergy used Quechua, they used the term ‘Dios’ to refer to God, since there was no adequate Quechua equivalent; so that for the Indians ‘Dios’ was simply another god, the god of the Christians.
98. Millones, p.143.
99. Louis Baudin, Daily life in Peru under the last Incas, London 1961, p.148.
100. Rafael Varón, ‘El Taki Onqoy: las raíces andinas de un fenómeno colonial’, in Millones, pp.356–366. Varón defines taki as ‘cantar histórico’, for which I choose the English form ballad rather than chant or song.
101. Millones, pp.343, 345.
102. Ibid., p.409.
103. Cf. Iris Gareis, ‘Repression and cultural change: the extirpation of idolatry in colonial Peru’, in Griffiths and Cervantes, p.23 7.
104. The fascinating material on these years is conveniently printed in Pierre Duviols, Cultura andina y represión. Procesos y visitas de idolatrías y hechicerías: Cajatambo siglo XVII, Cusco 1986.
105. Weber, p.114.
106. Magnus Morner, The political and economic activities of the Jesuits in the La Plata region, Stockholm 1953, is the authoritative study.
107. Caraman, pp.27, 36.
108. Ibid., p. 121.
109. Ibid., p.104.
110. Chevalier, p.249.
111. Bannon, pp.61–64.
112. Nicholas P. Cushner, Lords of the land. Sugar, wine and Jesuit estates of coastal Peru, 1600–1767, Albany 1980.
113. Cushner, Lords of the land, p.69.
Chapter 7: The Business of World Power
1. Quoted in Pagden 1990, p.50.
2. Quoted in MacLeod, p.56.
3. Or perhaps from Italy: see Carlos Serrano Bravo, ‘Intercambio tecnológico en la amalgamación’, in M. Castillo Martos, ed., Minería y metalurgia. Intercambio tecnológico y cultural entre América y Europa, Seville 1994, p.409.
4. Cross, p.405.
5. Otte 1988, p.526.
6. Ibid., p.525.
7. Cf. the summary in Steve J. Stern, ‘Feudalism, capitalism and the world system in the perspective of Latin America and the Caribbean’, AHR, vol.93, no.4, Oct. 1988, p.850.
8. Cross, p.404.
9. Otte 1988, p.526.
10. Ibid. p.474.
11. Ibid., p.409.
12. Arco y Garay, p.328.
13. Cf. C. R. and W. D. Phillips, Spain's Golden Fleece, Baltimore 1997, pp.168–76.
14. See Michel Mollat, ‘Le role international des marchands espagnols dans les ports de l'Europe occidental à l'époque des Rois Catholiques’, Congreso para la Historia de la Corona de Aragón, Zaragoza 1952; also Constance J. Mathers, ‘Merchants from Burgos in England and France, 1470–1570’, reprinted in Douglas A. Irwin, Trade in the pre-modern era, 1400–1700, 2 vols, Cheltenham 1996, pp.67–97.
15. Pike, p.10.
16. Guillermo Lohmann Villena, Les Espinosa. Une famille d'hommes d'affaires en Espagne et aux Indes à l‘époque de la colonisation, Paris 1968, pp.14–15.
17. Mercado, p.314.
18. Ibid., p.315.
19. Bernal, p.142.
20. Ibid., pp.154–155.
21. Ibid., pp.162–165.
22. See Woodrow Borah, Early colonial trade and navigation between Mexico and Peru, Berkeley 1954.
23. Vila Vilar, p.294.
24. Boxer 1959, p.170.
25. Reid, p.26.
26. The silver/gold bimetallic ratio in New Spain around 1600 was 15:1, in China it was 8:1: Cross, p.399.
27. For a general survey see Om Prakash, ‘Precious metal flows in Asia and world economic integration in the seventeenth century’, in Wolfram Fischer et al., eds, The emergence of a world economy 1500–1914, 2 vols, Wiesbaden 1986, vol.I.
28. Hernán Asdrúbal Silva, ‘Marginalidad rioplatense y relaciones comerciales con el Brasil en épocas de Felipe II’, XIII Coloquio, p.970.
29. Cf. Lapeyre, chap. IV, ‘Les foires de Castille’.
30. Mercado, pp.414–15.
31. Report by the financier Simón Ruiz, in Lapeyre, p.485.
32. Ruiz Martin 1965, p.xxix.
33. Lewes Roberts, The Merchants Mappe of Commerce, London 1636, quoted in Haring 1918, p.178 n.1
34. Felipe Ruiz Martín, ‘Los hombres de negocios genoveses de España durante el siglo XVI’, in Kellenbenz, p.85.
35. Ruiz Martin 1965, chap.III.
36. Ibid., p.xxxvi–xxxvii.
37. Ibid., pp.xxxvii-xxxviii, xl.
38. Phillips, Golden Fleece, p.180.
39. Ruiz Martín 1965, p.xl.
40. Lapeyre, p.118.
41. Professional scholars will recognize that this is my principal difference with the excellent Marxist analyses of André Gunder Frank and Emmanuel Wallerstein, both of whom accept unquestioningly the primacy of Spanish capitalism in the colonial period.
42. Ruiz Martin 1965, p.xlix.
43. Enriqueta Vila Vilar, ‘La liquidación de un imperio mercantil a fines del s.XVI’, XIII Coloquio, p.987. Also, by the same, ‘Descendencia y vinculaciones sevillanas de un procer italiano: Juan Antonio Corzo Vicentelo’, in Presencia italiana en Andalucia, siglos XIV-VII, Seville 1989, pp.411–426. There is a fuller study in her Los Corzo y los Mañara: tipos y arquetipos del mercader con América, Seville 1991.
44. Vila Vilar, ‘Descendencia y vinculaciones’, p.423.
45. Estimates of Boyajian 1993, p. 42.
46. Cf. Pike, p. 144.
47. Calabria, pp.5, 19.
48. Cf. Nicolas Broens, Monarquía y capital mercantil: Felipe IV y las redes comerciales portugueses (1627–1635), Madrid 1989, p.30.
49. Eddy Stols, De Spaanse Brabanders of de Handelsbetrekkingen der Zuide-lijke Nederlanden met de Iberische Wereld 1598–1648, 2 vols, Brussels 1971, I, 98–113; II, 1–73.
50. Hermann Kellenbenz, ‘Mercaderes extranjeros en América del Sur a comienzos del siglo XVII’, AEA, XXVIII, 1971, p.395.
51. Vila Vilar, 1982, p.300.
52. Quoted in Kirk, p.413. The quotation is of the year 1623.
53. For what follows, see Kamen 1997, pp.158–168, and references given there.
54. According to Brantôme, I, 133, ‘some said that he picked up the pox from the Marquise d'Avré’, but others thought he had been poisoned by Antonio Pérez. Neither of these allegations is true.
55. Essen 1933, II, 188.
56. Ibid., II, 256.
57. Ibid., II, 299; III, 21.
58. Ibid., IV, 134.
59. Fernando Bouza, Portugal en la monarquía hispánica (1580–1640), Madrid 1987, 2 vols, I, 65–95.
60. Ruiz Martin 1965, pp.lvii–lviii.
61. Moura to king, Feb. 7, 1579, CODOIN, VI, 110.
62. Philip to Osuna and Moura, Apr 14, 1579, CODOIN, VI, 350.
63. Cf. Bouza, I, 209–280.
64. CODOIN, VII, 295.
65. Muster of April 1580, CODOIN, XXXII, 27–9. Alba disliked Italian soldiers. ‘Italians, for the love of God’, he wrote, ‘Your Majesty must not bring any more, it's money wasted; but as for Germans, bring another five thousand’: ibid. p.15.
66. The occupation of Naples under Philip V took place with the support of the population.
67. What follows is adapted from Kamen 1997, pp.242–3
68. Juan Rufo.
69. Otte 1988, p. 11: ‘in 1580 the Spanish colonization of America began its maturity’.
70. Arco y Garay, p.226.
71. This is the central argument of the fascinating study by Parker 1998; see e.g. p. 166 where he writes of the Portugal campaign as ‘a vital step on Spain's road to global mastery’. My own dissenting view is that not a single phrase can be cited from any Spanish politician or general in favour of global mastery.
72. E.g. by Braudel, who felt that religious zeal in the 1580s ‘turned the Spanish king into the champion of Catholicism’: Braudel, II, 677
.
73. Cited in E. García Hernán, La Armada española en la monarquía de Felipe II y la defensa del Mediterráneo, Madrid 1995, p.19.
74. Merriman, IV, 381.
75. P. T. Rooney, ‘Habsburg fiscal policies in Portugal 1580–1640’, JEEH, vol.23, no.3, winter 1994, p.546.
76. Philip to Alba, Badajoz, Aug 31, 1580, CODOIN, XXXII, 507.
77. Kamen 1997, p.264.
78. The ships are listed in Colin Martin and Geoffrey Parker, The Spanish Armada, London 1988, pp.34–35.
79. The best survey of the preparation for the Armada is by Thompson 1992, chapters VIII and IX.
80. Carlos Selvagem, Portugal militar, Lisbon 1931, p.356, puts the Portuguese total at over five thousand soldiers and one thousand sailors.
81. Thompson 1992, chap.VIII p.12.
82. Cited in ibid., chap.VIII, p.17.
83. Andrews 1984, p.238.
84. Ibid., p.246.
85. Andrews 1978, p.162.
86. Ibid., p. 168.
87. Ibid., p.187.
88. Kamen 1997, p.283.
89. Otte 1998, pp.442, 444.
90. Cf. Kamen 1997, pp. 233, 295.
91. Henry Kamen, ‘Toleration and dissent in sixteenth-century Spain’, SCJ, no.19, Spring 1988, p.22.
92. The best survey of his career is by Rodriguez Villa, but there is a vast amount of unpublished documentation out of which a new and comprehensive life could be written.
93. Rodriguez Villa, p.39.
94. Cf. Stradling 1992, p.13.
95. Cf. Paul C. Allen, Philip III and the pax hispanica 1598–1621, New Haven, CT and London, p. 139.
96. Rodriguez Villa, p.71.
97. Ibid., p.663.
98. Israel 1997, pp. 33–4.
99. Rodriguez Villa, p.414.
100. Quoted in Parker 1984, p.49.
101. Polisensky 1971, p.124.
102. Polisensky 1978, pp.79–84.
103. Quoted in Parker 1984, p.55.
104. Polisensky 1971, p.125.
105. Rodriguez Villa, p.3 54.
106. Ibid., p.387.
107. Ibid., p.385.
108. Rubens, p.102.
109. It is exceptional to find a recent Spanish art critic admit that ‘the truth is that Spinola was Genoese and the greater part of the officers and men he commanded at the taking of Breda was foreign’, Francisco Calvo Serraller, in the collective work Velázquez, Barcelona 1999, p.136.
110. Schwartz 1991, pp. 740–745.
111. Reported by Rubens, p.124.
112. I follow in part the English version given in Lynch, p. 103.
113. Rubens, p.207.
114. Ibid., pp.179, 206.
115. Ibid., pp.118–119.
116. Stradling 1992, p.59.
117. Ibid., p.255.
118. Memorandum of 1628, cited Stradling 1992, p.63.
119. Rodriguez Villa, p.480.
120. Cited in Rodao, p.43.
121. Israel 1982, p.117.
122. Ibid., p. 122. I have re-phrased the quotation.
123. Ibid., 1982, p.121.
124. Rubens, p.295.
Chapter 8: Identities and the Civilizing Mission
1. Avila y Zúñiga, p.66v.
2. Chapter 3, above.
3. Sepúlveda, II, 95.
4. Cited in Puddu, p.63.
5. Cited in Quatrefages, p.282.
6. Crónicas del Gran Capitán, p.375.
7. Herrera, pp.6, 265.
8. Sandoval, I, 20.
9. Pike, p.195.
10. Isaba, pp.66–67.
11. Aedo y Gallart, pp.130, 195.
12. Maravall, I, 464, 475.
13. Cited by Antonio Mestre, ‘La historiografía española del siglo XVIII’, Coloquio Internacional Carlos III y su siglo. Actas, tomo I, Madrid 1990, p. 39.
14. Cf. Kamen 1993, pp.354–357.
15. Cited in Kamen 1993, p.355.
16. Cf the diagram of Castilian books published abroad, in Kamen 1993, p.404.
17. Henry Thomas, ‘The output of Spanish books in the sixteenth century’, The Library, 1, 1920, p.30.
18. Jaime Moll, ‘Problemas bibliográficas del libro del Siglo de Oro’, BRAE, 59, 1979; also his ‘Valoración de la industria editorial española del siglo XVI’, in Livre et lecture en Espagne et en France sous l'Ancien Régime, Paris 1981.
19. Dr Diego Cisteller, cited in Kamen 1993, p.365.
20. Otero Lana, p.109.
21. My wife remembers how her grandmother, in the days when television first arrived in Catalonia, used to watch the screen happily for hours even though she did not understand a word of the language (Castilian) being spoken.
22. Ambassador Khevenhüller, cited in Friedrich Edelmayer, ‘Aspectos del trabajo de los embajadores de la casa de Austria en la segunda mitad del siglo XVI’, Pedralbes (Barcelona), no.9, 1989, p.47.
23. Arturo Farinelli, Die Beziehungen zwischen Spanien und Deutschland in der Litteratur der beiden Lander, Berlin 1892, p.27.
24. Cf. Dale B. J. Randall, The Golden Tapestry. A critical survey of non-chivalric Spanish fiction in English translation (1543–1657), Durham, NC, 1963.
25. Lechner, p. 10.
26. Jan Lechner, Repertorio de obras de autores españoles en bibliotecas holand-esas hasta comienzos del siglo X VIII, Utrecht 2001, p.309. I am grateful to Dr Lechner for making this very useful work available to me.
27. Carlos Gilly, Spanien und der Basler Buchdruck bis 1600, Basel 1985, pp.155–273.
28. Franco Meregalli, Presenza della letteratura spagnola in Italia, Florence 1974, p.17.
29. A. Núñez de Castro, Sólo Madrid es Corte, Madrid 1658.
30. Jean Muret, Lettres écrites de Madrid en 1666 et 1667, Paris 1879, p.75.
31. Jonathan Brown, ‘La antigua monarquía española como área cultural’, in Los Siglos, p.22.
32. For a fuller discussion see Kamen 1997, chap.7.
33. Some 200 paintings bought by Spanish agents from England were the subject of the exhibition on ‘The Sale of the Century: Artistic Relations between Spain and Great Britain 1604–1655’, held in the Prado in 2002.
34. For a survey of the problem of censorship and the Inquisition, see Kamen 1998, chap.6.
35. Kamen 1993, p.411.
36. Green, IV, 59.
37. Castro, p.583.
38. Beatriz Alonso Acero, ‘Judíos y musulmanes en la España de Felipe II: los presidios norteafricanos, paradigma de la sociedad de frontera’, in Felipe II (1527–1598): Europa y la Monarquía Católica, 4 vols, Madrid 1998, II, 22.
39. Daniel M. Swetschinski, Reluctant cosmopolitans: the Portuguese Jews of seventeenth-century Amsterdam, Littman Library, 2000.
40. Schwartz 1991, p.753.
41. Jonathan Israel, Empires and entrepots. The Dutch, the Spanish monarchy and the Jews 1585–1713, London 1990, p.356.
42. Cited in Schurz 1956, p.348.
43. Israel 1997, p.xxi.
44. Friede, p.47.
45. Schurz 1956, p.203.
46. Ibid., p.204.
47. Israel 1975, p.76.
48. L. F. Thomaz, in Tracy, p.305.
49. Serge Gruzinski, Images at war, Durham, NC 2001, p. 112.
50. Quoted in Jara, p.95.
51. Kamen 1997, p.241.
52. Ida Altman, Transatlantic ties in the Spanish empire, Stanford 2000, p.185.
53. Macías and Morales Padrón, p.65.
54. Israel 1975, p. 112.
55. Ibid., p.115.
56. Otte 1988, p.526.
57. Ibid., p.435.
58. Macías and Morales Padrón, p.87.
59. Otte 1988, p.384.
60. Ibid., p.307.
61. Ibid., p.124.
62. Macias and Morales Padrón, p.187.
63. Chronicle of Mariño de Lovera, cited in Jara, p.92.
64. Israel 1975, p. 136.
65. Ibid., p. 115.
66. Pagden, ‘Identity formation in Spanish America’, in Canny and Pagden,
pp.67–8.
67. There is an excellent summary of these and other writers in Brading, part 2, ‘Strangers in their own land’.
68. Otte 1988, p.470.
69. Jacques Lafaye, Quetzalcoatl et Guadalupe. La formation de la conscience nationale au Méxique (1531–1813), Paris 1974, p.281.
70. Maravall, I, 472, 478.
71. Tamar Herzog, ‘Private organizations as global networks in early modern Spain and Spanish America’, in L. Roniger and T. Herzog, The collective and the public in Latin America. Cultural identities and political order, Brighton 2000, p.121.
72. John L. Kessell, ed., Remote beyond compare. Letters of don Diego de Vargas to his family from New Spain and New Mexico, 1675–1706, Albuquerque 1989, p.333.
73. Ibid., pp.333, 353.
74. Ibid., p.446.
75. Olivia Harris, ‘Ethnic identity and market relations: Indians and mestizos in the Andes’, in Larson and Harris, p.358
76. Rosenblat, II, 30.
77. Ibid., 19.
78. Otte 1988, p.61.
79. Schwartz and Salomon, ‘New people and new kinds of people’, in Cambridge History, III, 2, p.485.
80. Thornton, pp. 129–30.
81. See above, chap.3.
82. Benzoni, cited Thornton, p.202.
83. Cf. Thornton, pp.213–17.
84. Carlos Guillot, Negros rebeldes y negros cimarrones, Buenos Aires 1961, p.42.
85. See Thornton, pp.288–90.
86. Palmer 1976, p.133.
87. Guillot, pp. 126–7.
88. David Davidson, ‘Negro slave control and resistance in colonial Mexico, 1519–1650’, HAHR, 46, 1966.
89. Miguel Acosta Saignes, Vida de los esclavos negros en Venezuela, Caracas 1967, pp.259–261.
90. On the transition from African to Christian religion, see Thornton, chap.9.
91. Palmer 1976, p.164.
92. Cited in Thornton, p.267.
93. Cf the discussion in Palmer 1976, pp.172–184; also the article by Frederick Bowser in Stanley L. Engerman and Eugene D. Genovese, eds, Race and slavery in the western hemisphere, Stanford 1975.
94. Gage, p.197.
95. Cf. the comments of Palmer 1976, p.178.
96. Chevalier, p.113.
97. Juan and Ulloa, 1, 134, 133, 101.
98. Juan and Ulloa, I, 164.
99. Wachtel, p.224.
100. Erwin P. Grieshaber, ‘Hacienda-Indian community relations and Indian acculturation’, in Foster, I, 82–83.
101. Lockhart 1992, p.115.
