by Peires, Jeff
Description
The Dead Will Arise tells the story of Nongqawuse, the young Xhosa girl whose prophecy of the resurrection of the dead lured an entire people to death by starvation. The Great Cattle-Killing of 1856-57, which she initiated, is one of the most extraordinary and misunderstood events in South Africa’s history. Jeff Peires was the first historian to draw on all available sources, from oral tradition and obscure Xhosa texts to the private letters and secret reports of police informers and colonial officials, and the original edition of The Dead Will Arise won the 1989 Alan Paton Sunday Times award for non-fiction.
Title Page
The Dead
Will Arise
Nongqawuse and the Great Xhosa Cattle-Killing Movement of 1856-7
JEFF PEIRES
JONATHAN BALL PUBLISHERS
JOHANNESBURG & CAPE TOWN
Acknowledgements
Acknowledgements
Every effort has been made to credit the original source of the photographs. As many of these were sourced from archives, this has not always been possible. In the event of any error, please notify the publisher and the correction will be made in the event of a reprint.
We would like to thank the MuseumAfrica for the cover image and the following institutions for the photographs that were supplied for the original edition and used in this reprint:
The Brenthurst Press for the pictures from The War of the Axe,
Edited by B le Cordeur and C Saunders (1981)
The South African Library, Cape Town
The Black Watch Regimental Museum, Perth
Preface
Preface
Few people who hear the story of Nongqawuse – the young girl whose fantastic promise of the resurrection lured an entire people to death by starvation – ever forget it. Tens of thousands of Xhosa died; tens of thousands more fled their homes; hundreds of thousands of cattle were slaughtered, the pathetic victims of a beautiful but hopeless dream. And while the Xhosa nation was lying prostrate and defenceless, Sir George Grey, a self-proclaimed benefactor of the non-European peoples of the world, trampled on this human wreckage: he exiled the starving, crushed the survivors, and seized more than half of Xhosaland for a colony of white settlement. The great Cattle-Killing movement remains an open sore in the historical consciousness of most South Africans. What was it all about? people ask. Surely the Xhosa could not have believed Nongqawuse? There must be something more behind the incident, some secret story behind the story that everyone knows.
But despite the widespread interest in Nongqawuse’s prophecies, the full history of that terrible period has never been written. There has never been a book on the Cattle-Killing, not even a bad one. Several historians have commenced on the topic, but none has completed it. The reason for this is that the primary sources, the evidence on which the historical account is based, are riddled with lies, both deliberate lies and self-delusions.
Most of the official documents, including almost all the printed official documents, are contaminated with references to the ‘Chiefs’ Plot’, the theory that the Cattle-Killing was a conspiracy by the Xhosa chiefs to bring about a war with the Cape Colony. If we leave the official documents to consult the archives which are stored in the memories of the old men of Xhosaland, we get the mirror image of the ‘Chiefs’ Plot’, namely ‘Grey’s Plot’, the theory that the root cause of the Cattle-Killing was a trick by Sir George Grey to deceive the Xhosa into destroying themselves. Today, there is hardly a Xhosa alive who does not believe that Sir George Grey was in some way responsible for Nongqawuse’s prophecies.
I started this book in 1981, feeling somewhat sceptical about both ‘Grey’s Plot’ and the ‘Chiefs’ Plot’. Six years later, having examined all the evidence on the Cattle-Killing that I can find, I am more than ever convinced that there was no plot on either side. Moreover, I am convinced that we do not need a plot or a conspiracy to explain the Cattle-Killing movement. I believe, and I trust that this book will demonstrate, that the Cattle-Killing was a logical and rational response, perhaps even an inevitable response, by a nation driven to desperation by pressures that people today can barely imagine. I further believe, and I trust that the book will demonstrate this too, that the Cattle-Killing would not have been so fatal an error had it not been for the measures of Governor Grey, which first encouraged and then capitalised on the movement. In this sense, though not in the one related by the old men of Xhosaland, Grey was the true perpetrator of the isihelegu sikaNongqawuse, the catastrophe of Nongqawuse. That is why I nowhere use the well-known term, ‘the National Suicide of the Xhosa’. The Nongqawuse catastrophe was as much a murder as it was a suicide. Probably, it was a little bit of both.
The evidence for this conclusion is set out in detail in the notes and in the bibliography. It is true that this evidence is partial, biased and incomplete, and that many of the secrets of the Nongqawuse period will never be told. Nevertheless, I would like to mention three crucial pieces of evidence which underpin my interpretation and lead me to hope that what I have written is not too far from the truth.
THE GREY-MACLEAN CORRESPONDENCE
GH 8/48 – GH 8/50 in the Cape Archives contain the private correspondence between Sir George Grey and Colonel John Maclean, his top subordinate in British Kaffraria. It should not be forgotten that there were no telephones in those days, and that all long-distance communications had to go by letter. While official communications should be read with scepticism, one may safely assume that a private correspondence is a frank and truthful exchange of views.
THE WORK OF WW GQOBA
Two articles by WW Gqoba entitled ‘Isizatu sokuxelwa kwe nkomo ngo Nongqause’ (‘The reason for the killing of cattle by Nonggawuse’) are based on interviews with believers. Though Gqoba was a Christian, he was writing with the explicit intention of challenging the ‘Chiefs’ Plot’ theories then prevalent in mission circles. Not only does Gqoba supply many details which would otherwise be unavailable, but he provides us with the Xhosa vocabulary and terminology actually used by the believers.
THE CAPE JOURNALS OF ARCHDEACON NJ MERRIMAN
These give us a fascinating insight into the personality of Mhlakaza, a key figure in the Cattle-Killing movement. They reveal that Mhlakaza, far from being a heathen witchdoctor, was the first Xhosa ever baptised into the Anglican Church. Once we understand Mhlakaza’s background and the personal motivations which inspired his religious experiences, we realise that we have no need of the ‘Chiefs’ Plot’ or of ‘Grey’s Plot’ or of any other hypothesis to explain his behaviour.
Many people have helped me in the writing of this book. Special thanks are due to Professor Rodney Davenport, who organised extra study leave for me in 1981; to Professor Shula Marks, who hosted my sabbatical at the Institute of Commonwealth Studies in London in 1984-5; and to the Human Sciences Research Council, which helped to finance the research without, of course, incurring any responsibility for the results. Mike Kirkwood did much more than merely edit the manuscript. Mrs Beryl Wood introduced me to the song which opens the book, and Messrs N Webb, R Hulley, A Nqamrha and MVS Balfour did much to ensure the success of my research in Transkei. Mr WO West of Rhodes University drew the maps. The staff at the Cape Archives, the South African Library and the other institutions mentioned in the notes were all extremely helpful, but I should like to single out Michael Berning, Sandy Fold, Zweliyanyikima Vena and the others at Cory Library, who bore the brunt of my problems. I should also like to take the opportunity to extend warmest personal greetings to Dr R Oelsner, who showed us a great deal more of Berlin than the Mission Archives. My parents, as always, have been a pillar of strength. The Dead Will Arise
is dedicated to Mary-Louise and the boys, who have been compelled to endure all the innumerable prophecies and disappointments which accompanied the writing of this book.
Notes on Terminology and Pronunciation
Notes on Terminology and Pronunciation
TERMINOLOGY
During the period of the Cattle-Killing, it was considered perfectly correct, even by liberal whites, to use the terms ‘Kaffir’ and ‘Kaffirland’ for ‘Xhosa’ and ‘Xhosaland’. Rather than make pedantic use of these insulting terms, I have dropped them altogether, using square brackets in direct quotations. Hence I have written ‘[Xhosa]’ instead of ‘Kaffir’ and so on.
The word ‘Xhosa’ itself, which is used today as a general term to describe any Nguni-speaking person from what used to be called the Cape Province, correctly refers only to one national entity, namely the subjects of Sarhili, and excludes neighbouring black nations such as the Thembu and the Mpondo. It is used here in this more restricted sense.
The Xhosa themselves were divided into various chiefdoms, grouped as follows: The Gcaleka Xhosa, under the immediate leadership of King Sarhili, lived mostly east of the Kei River beyond the bounds of British territory. The Ngqika Xhosa, under the leadership of Sandile and his brothers, and the Ndlambe Xhosa, under the leadership of Mhala, lived in British Kaffraria. The most important of the minor chiefdoms was that of the Gqunukhwebe Xhosa, led by Phatho and his junior brother Kama.
PRONUNCIATION
The letters ‘c’, ‘q’ and ‘x’ are clicks. ‘R’ is a guttural sound like the Afrikaans ‘g’ or the Scots ‘ch’ in ‘loch’. That is why ‘Sarhili’ is sometimes written ‘Krili’ in the European sources. The letter ‘h’ is usually an aspirate when used with another consonant. Hence the ‘Ph’ in ‘Phatho’ is an aspirated ‘p’ not an ‘f’, just as the ‘th’ is an aspirated ‘t’ and not a ‘th’.
Dramatis Personae
Dramatis Personae
History, unlike fiction, cannot control the number of its characters or the multiplication of its sub-plots. It is hoped that the following list will serve as a convenient guide. The figure in brackets is the approximate age, where known, of the historical figure in 1856, the year when Nongqawuse’s prophecies first began.
THE WHITES
BARRINGTON, Henry (48). Attorney-General of British Kaffraria.
BROWNLEE, Charles (35). Commissioner with the Ngqika Xhosa.
CATHCART, Sir George. Governor of the Cape (1852-4).
COTTERILL, Henry (45). Bishop of Grahamstown.
CROUCH, John (35). Trader in Sarhili’s country.
CURRIE, Walter (37). Commandant of the Frontier Armed and Mounted Police.
DOUGLAS, Stair. Secretary and moving spirit of the Kaffir Relief Committee.
EYRE, Lieutenant-Colonel William. Architect of the colonial victory during the War of Mlanjeni.
FITZGERALD, Dr John (41). Founder of the Native Hospital, King William’s Town.
GAWLER, John Cox (26). Magistrate with Mhala.
GREENSTOCK, William (24). Missionary with Mhala.
GREY, Sir George (44). Governor of the Cape (1854-61).
HAWKES, Robert. Magistrate with Siwani.
KAYSER, Henry. Missionary at Peelton.
KAYSER, Maximilian. Interpreter to Henry Lucas.
LUCAS, Henry. Magistrate with Maqoma and Bhotomane.
MACKINNON, George. Chief Commissioner of British Kaffraria (1848-51).
MACLEAN, John (46). Chief Commissioner of British Kaffraria (1852-64).
MERRIMAN, Nathaniel (47). Archdeacon of Grahamstown.
PORTER, William. Attorney General of the Cape Colony.
REEVE, Frederick. Magistrate with Kama.
ROBERTSON, R Eustace. Magistrate with Anta.
SMITH, Sir Harry. Governor of the Cape (1847-52).
VIGNE, Herbert. Magistrate with Phatho and Jali.
WATERS, H. Tempest (37). Missionary with Sarhili.
THE BLACKS
ANTA (44). Strong Unbeliever. Brother to Sandile.
BHOTOMANE (80+). Believer. Chief of small imiDange Xhosa chiefdom.
BHURHU (76). Waverer. Uncle to Sarhili.
BULUNGWA. Strong Unbeliever. Nephew to Mhala.
DILIMA (30). Believer. Great Son of Phatho.
DONDASHE (28). Believer. Brother to Sandile.
DYANI TSHATSHU (52). Christian and Unbeliever. Chief of small Ntinde Xhosa chiefdom.
FADANA (60). Strong Believer. Former Regent of Thembuland, and leader of the Thembu believers.
FENI (18). Waverer. Nephew to Sandile.
GOLIATH, Wilhelm. Name adopted by Mhlakaza while working in the Colony.
JALI (20). Unbeliever. Nephew to Mhala.
JOYI. Strong Unbeliever. Regent of the Thembu Kingdom.
KAMA (52). Christian and Unbeliever. Ranking second to Phatho among the Gqunukhwebe Xhosa.
KONA (30). Unbeliever. Son of Maqoma, ranking second to Namba.
MAKINANA (30). Unbeliever. Great Son of Mhala.
MAQOMA (58). Strong Believer. Brother of Sandile, ranking second among the Ngqika Xhosa.
MATE. Strong Believer. Son of Phatho, and leader of Phatho’s people in Kama’s country.
MHALA (60). Strong Believer. Senior Chief of the Ndlambe Xhosa.
MHLAKAZA. Uncle of Nongqawuse and principal interpeter of her prophecies.
MJUZA (37). Strong Unbeliever. Son of Nxele, the Prophet of the 1818-9 Frontier War.
MOSHOESHOE (70). King of Lesotho.
NAMBA (28). Believer. Great Son of Maqoma.
NDAYI. Strong Unbeliever. Councillor to Mhala.
NED. Unbeliever. Son of Maqoma. Employed in the Native Hospital.
NGUBO. Strong Unbeliever. Cousin to Sarhili.
NKWINTSHA. Strong believer. Councillor to Mhala and uncle of Nonkosi.
NOMBANDA. Relative and fellow-prophetess of Nongqawuse.
NONGQAWUSE (15). Niece of Mhlakaza. Chief Prophetess of the Cattle-Killing.
NONKOSI (11). The Prophetess of the Mpongo River.
NXITO (75+). Unbeliever. Uncle to Sarhili.
OBA (26). Waverer. Nephew to Sandile.
PHATHO (58). Strong believer. Senior Chief of the Gqunukhwebe Xhosa.
QASANA (38). Strong believer. Brother to Siwani.
QWESHA (63). Strong believer. Chief of the Ndungwana Thembu.
SANDILE (37). Senior Chief of the Ngqika Xhosa, and Senior Chief of British Kaffraria.
SARHILI (47). Senior Chief of the Gcaleka Xhosa, and King of all the Xhosa, including those in British Kaffraria.
SIGIDI. Unbeliever. Senior Gcaleka Xhosa Chief in British Kaffraria.
SIWANI (30). Unbeliever. Nephew of Mhala.
SIYOLO (44). Brother of Siwani. Imprisoned on Robben Island for the duration of the Cattle-Killing.
SMITH MHALA (27). Strong Unbeliever. Second-ranking son of Mhala.
SOGA (56). Strong Unbeliever. Councillor to Sandile.
STOKWE. Believer. Brother-in-law to Phatho and chief of the small Mbalu Xhosa chiefdom.
TOLA (40). Believer. Cousin of Bhotomane and also a chief of the imiDange Xhosa.
TOYISE (36). Unbeliever and long-time colonial client. Cousin to Mhala.
TYHALA (55). Strong Unbeliever. Councillor to Sandile.
XHOXHO (46). Believer. Brother to Sandile.
Poem
Hayi uNongqawuse
Intombi kaMhlakaza
Wasibulala isizwe sethu
Yaxelela abantu yathi kubo bonke
Baya kuvuka abantu basemangcwabeni
Bazisa uvuyo kunye ubutyebi
Kanti uthetha ubuxoki
Oh! Nongqawuse!
The gir
l of Mhlakaza
She killed our nation
She told the people, she told them all
That the dead will arise from their graves
Bringing joy and bringing wealth
But she was telling a lie
CHAPTER 1 – RIVERMAN’S WAR
CHAPTER 1
Riverman’s War
1. MLANJENI THE RIVERMAN
Mlanjeni, the Riverman, was about 18 years old in 1850, and so weak and emaciated from fasting that he could not walk about unaided.1 The power of evil so pervaded the world, he thought, that it inhabited even the homestead of his father Kala and poisoned even his mother’s cooking. In order to keep himself pure and undefiled, Mlanjeni withdrew from the society of men and spent much of his time alone. Most especially, he liked to go down to a deep pool on the Keiskamma River where he would sit up to his neck in water for hours – some said days – subsisting only on ants’ eggs, water-grass and other foods of nature. He greatly feared the debilitating power of women and kept himself strictly celibate.
At first his family had remonstrated with him concerning his strange behaviour, and his father told him that uncircumcised boys had no right to speak of such things as witchcraft and disease. But Mlanjeni persisted in his sayings even after he had passed through circumcision school, and this steadfast adherence to his singular manner of life eventually gained him the credence and respect of the Xhosa of the Ndlambe district of British Kaffraria. It was clear to all that the young man had been touched by contact with the spirit world, and the people therefore believed him when he intimated to them that he had been entrusted with a special mission for the reformation of mankind.
Mlanjeni’s teaching unfolded slowly and elliptically, revealing itself gradually in obscure and incomprehensible hints and metaphors. He reminded his visitors of Nxele, the giant prophet and wardoctor who had fired the Xhosa imagination some 30 years previously with his revelations concerning Mdalidephu the God of the black man, Thixo the God of the whites, and Thixo’s son Tayi, whom the whites had murdered.2 For this great crime, the whites had been thrown into the sea whence they had emerged to trouble the sinful Xhosa nation. ‘Leave off witchcraft! Leave off blood!’ Nxele had ordered the Xhosa. ‘These are the things that are killing our people. I am sent by the Great Chief of heaven and earth and all other things to say, lay aside these two evils, so that the world can be made right again.’ A great day was coming, a day on which the people who had passed away would rise again from the dead and the witches would be cast into damnation under the earth. Before the day arrived Nxele himself was dead, drowned escaping from Robben Island where the British had imprisoned him. But he had promised before he surrendered that he would come back one day, and many Xhosa were still awaiting his reappearance. They saw him repeatedly in dreams and visions and now he seemed to have returned to them in the form of this sickly youth.
