by Peires, Jeff
After the Great Disappointment the believers pressed Mhala for action, telling him that they were starving through following his orders. The chief sent to the Gxarha and the Mpongo for advice, but it was now clear, even to Mhala, that the period of waiting was over. He and his believing councillors met to plot revenge against the unbelievers, whom they held responsible for the failure of the prophecies.4 The unbelievers visited Gawler in a great panic, begging him to establish a military post in the district. Cattle raids were becoming increasingly frequent, and they dared not move their cattle from where they were located since the believers were on the watch for just such a move.5
The first attacks were led by the believing chief Qasana, nephew to Mhala and brother to the collaborating Siwani. Qasana was a great militant who had led a contingent of Ndlambe volunteers to help the Ngqika fighting in the Amathole Mountains during the War of Mlanjeni. On the morning of 28 February he sent a scout patrol against Bulungwa, who personified unbelief to many of the amathamba. Gawler informed Mhala who remarked sourly that Bulungwa was a hasty man and had probably attacked some innocent people walking on a footpath near his place. Gawler then rode to Bulungwa and suggested that he send his cattle away. Bulungwa refused, knowing that it was more dangerous to move his cattle than to stand and fight for them. At least you could post a lookout, Gawler suggested. ‘Why?’ asked Bulungwa, laconically. ‘There will be enough time to look at the attackers when they come to my place.’6 Bulungwa did not need Gawler’s advice. He needed men and arms, and the magistrate could supply neither.
Just before sunset the war cry sounded and Qasana swept down on Bulungwa’s homestead at the head of a large party of mounted men. Bulungwa stood at the gate of his cattle kraal and blazed away with a gun, but his oxen were trained for racing and leaped over the fences when the believers called out to them. Bulungwa lost 60 cattle altogether, and one of his men was killed. There was very little that Gawler could do about it. He could spare none of the few men at his disposal, and he was forced to request Chief Mhala, the arch-believer, to discipline his comrade Qasana for the sake of the arch-unbeliever, Bulungwa.
Mhala probably enjoyed hearing Gawler’s demand for action. In any event, he hammed it up, pretending to be very angry at Qasana. ‘Go on and kill him [Qasana],’ he ordered his followers, tongue firmly in cheek. ‘You are hungry my children but do your best.’ Many of Mhala’s men had actually joined in the attack on Bulungwa themselves, and they travelled no more than three kilometres in Qasana’s general direction before turning back, claiming that they were tired.7 The unbelievers were appalled. It was absurd that they, who had stubbornly thwarted Mhala’s dearest wishes, should be dependent on that very chief for their protection. ‘Here’s an end to us non-believers,’ said Ndayi, ‘unless the Government who gave us encouragement to hold out will help us. Let Gawler take Smith to Government as our chief, and ask for a word.’8
The troubles of the unbelievers were only just beginning. Between 3 and 5 March, organised parties of believers smashed into the more isolated of the amagogotya, carrying all before them. Councillor Wuwu with two junior headmen raided the Mfengu population on the Kwelera River. Four other councillors attacked and wounded Tamo, a second-class headman, and carried off all his cattle. On the borders of Ndlambe territory, Phatho’s Great Son Dilima mustered an armed force of believers to root out the adherents of his father’s unbelieving cousin, Montawuli. Take their cattle, ordered Dilima, but don’t throw your spears unless they attack you. Montawuli fled in the face of overwhelming numbers, leaving 170 cattle behind him. The believers robbed the dwellings, plundered the cornpits, killed the chickens and then fired some of the homesteads.
In this crisis, the unbelievers were rallied by a new hero. This was none other than Mjuza, the son of the prophet Nxele, who had predicted the resurrection of the dead in 1818. Mjuza was brought up in Mhala’s country, but had left it in the early 1840s after falling out with the chief. Like his father Nxele, Mjuza was a great anti-colonial militant. He fought vigorously in three Frontier Wars, burning down Butterworth mission in 1851, and nearly perishing from a bullet in the stomach. When the first prophecies of cattle-killing were heard in the land, Mjuza, who had carefully preserved his father’s weapons, announced that his father was returning at the head of the army of black Russians to liberate the country. But when he visited Nongqawuse, he perceived to his horror and dismay that her prophecies were false and became a convinced unbeliever. In November 1856, he returned to Mhala’s country where he immediately took a strong stand against the orders of the chief. Attacked in March by the desperate believers, Mjuza rallied Montawuli and the other isolated amagogotya of his district, and led them forward in military order, skirmishing all night until they reached the main body of unbelievers under Gawler and Ndayi. Mjuza was to prove of inestimable value to Gawler, for not only was he a battle-hardened veteran but he hated Mhala with all the furious intensity of an ancient grudge.9
Meanwhile Gawler had managed to persuade Governor Grey to allow him to raise an irregular ‘native police’. Towards the end of February he jotted down his ideas in an official dispatch. The unbelievers should all concentrate in a single place. He would raise from them a police force of 120 to 150 men at the cost of 7s 6d per man per month, plus rations. One ox every two days should be enough to feed them all.10
In the aftermath of the raids, Gawler held a meeting of the unbelievers to explain the self-defence plan to them. For the unbelievers, already watching all night and tracking stolen cattle all day, the most significant aspect of the proposal was the refusal of the government to commit troops to their defence. They strongly suspected that Gawler was only temporising and that the government, which had already rejected their earlier requests for aid, was planning to desert them. Gawler duly put in a request for 200 troops, but his mind was already running on beyond the immediate needs of self-defence. The title of one of his notes to Maclean, ‘Proposal for creating a revolution in Umhala’s country’ did not in the slightest degree overstate the magnitude of the change he had in mind. His vision of a native police commanded by paid headmen directly appointed by the magistrate realised perfectly if brutally Grey’s original dream of a British Kaffraria free of Xhosa chiefs, Xhosa law and, indeed, any indigenous Xhosa traditions at all.11
But Mhala was not finished yet. He perceived accurately enough that many of his troubles were directly due to Gawler’s obstinate determination. A Magistrate Lucas or a Magistrate Vigne he could have twisted around his little finger as Maqoma and Phatho had done. Mhala had long been considering a means of killing Gawler, but had not been able to hit on anything practical.12 He was thoroughly alarmed by the magistrate’s talk of arming the unbelievers and establishing a new military post in the district, and he tried a last direct appeal behind Gawler’s back, sending a secret message to Governor Grey through his missionary.
Umhala says the police[man] who [fires] the guns is Gawler – Whose permission did he ask? That his people, the unbelievers who did not kill, are coming to Gawler – they did not acquaint him of it – the [military] post is coming to Gawler without Umhala’s knowledge.
Umhala says he never enters Gawler’s house – Gawler drives him away, although petty chiefs and common people are permitted to enter. He does not know this white man Gawler, he said this to Maclean at the commencement – he won’t have him. Another white man must come who is good.
Gawler treats Umhala wrongly – he knows not how to treat the country right. He is passionate [quick-tempered]. Umhala says – Government said he was to have money given him – now his money is small – it was said counsellors must have money given to them – now then he does not know who pays the money … Gawler acts wrongly. Another white man must come who is good.13
On 14 March there was a great public show of strength in front of the magistracy. Four or five hundred of the amathamba demonstrated and gesticulated at Gawler and his unbelievers for about 15 minute
s before marching off in military order.14
Mhala himself was clearly nervous and tried to be friendly to Gawler, as if knowing that his letter to Grey would misfire. On 16 March, Gawler summoned the chief to hear the Governor’s reply, which was mild enough, all things considered. Grey informed Mhala that he should have sent his complaints through Gawler to afford the magistrate the chance of a reply; that Mhala was at fault for urging on the Cattle-Killing; and that he should now do his best to suppress thieving and to save his people from starvation by encouraging them to take up colonial employment. Grey’s letter contained no comfort for Mhala, though it did not question or threaten his existing privileges and authority.
But for Mhala, it was too much to take. He was buoyed up by righteous anger, by the presence of his strongest supporters, and, it would seem, by a little too much in the way of brandy. In any event, he displayed none of the shrewdness or restraint which had hitherto marked his dealings with the colonial authorities. From the depths of his frustration, he denounced the magistrate who had done so much to block his designs and break his power.
When you were sent here, you were told by Maclean to be my friend, but our blood runs differently; We have had many quarrels – how is it your blood will not run with mine?
Inevitably, the chief raised the question of the salaries. ‘You see my friends,’ he exclaimed, turning to his supporters, ‘he acknowledges that when I got it straight from Maclean, I got it all-all-all!’ Mhala wanted to be able to name the councillors to receive the government salaries. He wanted money to give to his friends like the magistrate gave money to his own friends. Gawler objected that it would be very odd if he did not pay his friends. Mhala interrupted with terrible anger, shouting furiously at his hated enemy:
That’s all I want, no more, no more! He’s said it – did you hear? he pays his own friends – he takes my money – Run my children, tell the Government he pays his own friends.
Where’s the kraal of Ndlambe [Mhala’s father]? Nowhere. Here’s his child – that’s all. True, I was not born the Great Son, but I made myself great. Where’s Ndlambe? Gone. Where’s his house? Gone.
You’ve destroyed it [vehemently] killed it. It’s nowhere. Gone. Be off, you. Tell the Governor, Gawler has ruined the house of Ndlambe.15
With that, Mhala sank back, his eyes bright and staring, his breath coming in short gasps. It was the funeral oration of a great chiefdom.
The veneer of mutual respect and co-operation carefully preserved by both Mhala and his magistrate through all the long months of the Cattle-Killing was finally shattered. Gawler turned on his heel and walked out. Behind him, Mhala was shouting furiously, ‘Come back, I’ve not done with you yet!’ The believing councillors followed, thoroughly alarmed at their chief’s rashness, calling, ‘Don’t listen to Umhala, he’s drunk now.’ Other councillors were reproving the chief, saying, ‘You’ve done yourself for once … You’re in a pretty mess now.’16
Over the next few days, Mhala tried desperately hard to retrieve the situation. He called a meeting of unbelievers and promised that they would not be molested again, but Smith and Mjuza were intransigent:
What are we to do? We disobeyed his orders and were to be driven into the sea – now he wants to make friends. We don’t want – he threw us away and Government picked us up.17
Mhala even approached Gawler, saying he hoped that the magistrate had informed the government that he wanted peace and a trading station. Gawler, however, was no longer interested in trying to work with Mhala and had already concluded his official dispatch describing the chief’s outburst with the words, ‘There never was a better opportunity of breaking Umhala’s influence and bringing forward young [Xhosaland].’
Grey and Maclean were at last ready to grasp the opportunity that Gawler had created. They authorised the establishment of a new post on the Tshabo river, where Gawler might headquarter his police and gather in the unbelievers.18 Mhala protested. He said he did not thank the messenger for this news, and that the post would ‘spoil the country’. Gawler should write immediately to the Governor and say that he, Mhala, had not been consulted and that he refused to have the post. It seems as if the old chief was still under the impression that his opinion counted for something, but he was speedily disillusioned. Gawler replied sarcastically that Mhala had many warriors and if he wanted the post removed, he should do it himself. At the end of March, Gawler escorted Mjuza and 500 cattle to the new camp on the Tshabo.
On 1 April, Mhala made one last attempt to prevent the disintegration of his chiefdom.19 He called a meeting of the unbelievers and tried to persuade them to stay with him. He apologised for his people, saying they were very hungry and that he had already forbidden any further raiding and stealing. The chief seemed at a loss for words, and indeed there was very little that he could say. In the plenitude of his power he had fought the unbelievers and they had beaten him, and now nothing he could do would stop them going. They walked out on Mhala before he had finished speaking.
From April onwards, a steady stream of unbelievers left Mhala’s country to join Gawler and his police. Smith Mhala and Ndayi came in the middle of May, and Montawuli, the leader of the unbelievers in Phatho’s country, arrived in early June. The most unexpected recruit was the Gcaleka chief Sigidi, who had sheltered the gun thief Gabinyana at the very commencement of Gawler’s career, and still had not paid the 50 cattle fine that the magistrate had imposed on him. Gawler got his revenge by brushing Sigidi aside the first time he asked for help; but when Sigidi renewed his appeal, saying that he was ‘alone against the wolves’ and would gladly pay double the fine, Gawler agreed to receive him. Since he was senior by birth to all, even Smith Mhala, he soon acquired a position of leadership in the unbelievers’ camp.20
Saddest of all was the Great Councillor Gqirana, who was so old and infirm that it took him five days to cover the 20 kilometres between his homestead and the Tshabo. In his youth, old Ndlambe had given him to Mhala to act as his councillor. He had milked Mhala’s cattle while Mhala was yet a boy. ‘He was always well disposed,’ wrote Gawler, ‘and did not kill his cattle, but did not take the decided course that Ndayi did. He was much attached to [Ndlambe] and therefore considered it as his duty to stick to Umhala, but he says he has now become too much for him.’21
1 BK 81 J Gawler-J Maclean, 30 Nov., 10 Dec. 1856, 26 Jan. 1857.
2 BK 81 J Gawler-J Maclean, 26 Jan. 1856.
3 BK 81 J Gawler-J Maclean, 10 Dec. 1856.
4 GH 8/31 Memorandum by H Vigne, n.d. [22 Feb. 1857].
5 BK 81 J Gawler-J Maclean, 24 Feb. 1857.
6 GH 8/31 J Gawler-J Maclean, 1 March 1857.
7 BK 81 J Gawler-J Maclean, 1 March 1857; GH 8/31 J Gawler-J Maclean, 1 March 1857.
8 BK 81 J Gawler-J Maclean, 1 March 1857.
9 BK 89 Statement by Umjuza, 12 Nov. 1856; GH 8/31 Schedule 417, 20 March 1857, statement by Toise; BK 14 Statement by Umjuza, 24 Feb. 1858; MS 566, Cory Library, C Brownlee-n.a., 17 Dec. 1851. BK 81 J Gawler-J Maclean, 5 March 1857; BK 140 Trial of Dilima, 21 April 1858; Acc 793 J Gawler-J Maclean, 7, 9 March 1857.
10 BK 81 J Gawler-J Maclean, 28 Feb. 1857. For the eventual pay scales and more details concerning conditions of service, see GH 8/31 J Maclean-G Grey, 16 April 1857.
11 BK 81 J Gawler-J Maclean, 12 March 1857.
12 BK 81 J Gawler-J Maclean, 18 Dec. 1856.
13 BK 86 The words of Umhala to the Great Chief of the Government, 13 March 1857.
14 BK 81 J Gawler-J Maclean, 14 March 1857.
15 1 have changed the spelling ‘Hlambie’ to the more familiar ‘Ndlambe’.
16 For all of the above, see BK 81 J Gawler-J Maclean, 16 March 1857.
17 Ibid.
18 BK 81 J Gawler-J
Maclean, 21 March 1857. Gawler also mentions a post on the ‘Diggedo’ River, but this was not established as far as I am aware.
19 BK 81 J Gawler-J Maclean, 1 April 1857.
20 BK 81 J Gawler-J Maclean, 3 June, 15 July 1857; GH 8/50 J Maclean-G Grey, 14 May 1857.
21 BK 81 J Gawler-J Maclean, 20 June 1857.
6. GAWLER TRIUMPHANT
The terrible disappointment of 16-17 February nearly extinguished the hope of the believers, but that hope flickered on because now it was the only alternative to starvation or exile. Muddled explanations began to emerge from the Gxarha and the Mpongo. The new people had been unable to decide who among them should have the honour of rising first.1 Or, it was the fault of Nxito and his spies who had insulted the new people. Or, it was the fault of all the unbelievers collectively for not killing their cattle. Maqoma’s son Namba and Sandile’s nephew Oba visited Mhlakaza towards the end of March and returned with hope renewed.2 The new people would make their appearance before the moon of June 1857 was out, provided that the Xhosa returned to their country, which they were now leaving in such numbers, and killed the remainder of their cattle.3
