Over and over the young activists echoed similar words: We will NOT go back into the dark closet. We will NOT go back into hiding. In late September, DHS finally reinstated Dario’s DACA protection, along with his two-year work permit.
In Congress, it began to look as though a stand-alone DREAM Act might once again have a chance. In July, Senator Lindsey Graham had offered a renewed version of the bill, cosponsored by fellow Republicans Jeff Flake and Dick Durbin, which quickly gained support.
The House was trickier. To pass, the bill needed 218 votes. Most of the 194 Democrats supported the proposal, and by the fall more than three dozen Republicans had signed on to some version of the bills, while dozens more had made favorable statements about them. Representative Gutiérrez knew they could easily lose both Democrats and Republicans if too much was tacked on to the bill, but if they could stave off any poison pills, and if Speaker Paul Ryan agreed to bring the bill to the floor, they might just have the votes.
Those were big ifs. Gutiérrez also understood how wary the young activists were of something that once again appeared to set them against their families. During a September 8 conference call, he addressed their ambivalence. “We need to focus on the DREAMers in a laser . . . way,” he insisted. “You are the most beloved, the most cared for, the most recognized. If you aren’t protected, then what chance do I have to protect your parents?”
United We Dream and other groups threw their support for the bill but urged it be a “clean” version, not one linked to the border wall or weighted down with numerous other security measures.
Everything comes with a price, Hareth thought as she followed the political debates, fearing her parents could find themselves in an even more precarious position under the latest version of the DREAM Act. But despite the uncertainty, despite her fear, she was buoyed by the support from Americans around the country, “people who are safe in their homes and have nothing to worry about, people in the top of their careers, and that matters. . . . These people have opted to speak up.”
In a further sign of just how much support they now enjoyed, in October 2016, the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation awarded one of its $625,000 “genius grants” to thirty-three-year-old Cristina Jiménez Moreta, the leader of United We Dram.
ALTHOUGH MANY Americans might still distinguish the DACA-protected immigrants from their parents and even their peers, the very recognition of their claim to the American dream, the recognition of their humanity, has changed the broader conversation. It has forced an unwilling nation toward a reckoning of the roles played by millions of other undocumented immigrants living in the shadows.
Regardless of whether they finally achieve a legislative victory, these young leaders have already claimed a cultural one, redefining not only the terms of the immigration debate in the United States but also the definition of what it means to be an American.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
On a sweltering November day in 2009, I sat in the back pew of a church in Miami’s Little Haiti neighborhood, looking for a story. Someone had clued me in that a group of immigrants were planning a New Year’s Day march from Miami to Washington. It was on my beat, and I was intrigued. When I arrived, my gaze fell almost immediately on Felipe and Isabel Sousa-Rodriguez, who along with their two young friends Gaby Pacheco and Carlos Roa, commanded the room with a mix of sincerity, determination, and bravado. I wrote a story about them, and then another, and eventually another. Nearly a decade later, I am deeply grateful to Felipe and Isabel for the countless hours they have spent with me, offering up their personal experiences, contacts, and political perspectives. I am also incredibly grateful to Hareth Andrade-Ayala, Marie Deel, Dario Guerrero, and Alex Aldana, and to their families, who, over the course of the last five years, fearlessly opened their lives to me, and along with Felipe and Isabel, are the heart and soul of this book.
Tania Unzueta, Erika Andiola, Gaby Pacheco, Cristina Jiménez Moreta, Julieta Garibay, and Ju Hong are chief among those who also spent significant time sharing personal experiences, as well as their vast, collective knowledge of the history and politics that have shaped the undocumented immigrant youth movement in America.
Countless other young immigrants, advocates, officials, and academic experts, many of whom are not explicitly mentioned in this book, contributed to my understanding of the modern immigrant movement in all its complexity, and to the broader political events that have propelled it forward and pushed it back.
Michele Rudy provided many initial contacts. Josh Bernstein emailed me a spreadsheet of key players early in my reporting. Douglas Rivlin provided lengthy legislative history and background. Eunsook Lee gave perspective on the early movement in California, and more broadly on Asian American undocumented immigrant organizing. Frank Sharry and Cecilia Muñoz were among those who provided crucial analysis of Washington political milestones and negotiations. Senators Dick Durbin and Harry Reid, Representatives Jim Kolbe, Luis Gutierrez, Lincoln and Mario Díaz-Balart, and former DHS secretary Janet Napolitano were also among the officials and former officials generous with their time and recollections.
In Miami, Maria Rodriguez served as a fountain of knowledge. I took to heart her frequent reminders that no one, two, or even six individuals make a movement. Cheryl Little, Esther Olavarria, and Ira Kurzban provided key legal expertise and historical perspectives.
This book might still be but a kernel of an idea were it not for my agent, Katherine Flynn, who nurtured me through this maiden voyage. She is, in fact, an amazing editor, with a passion for big ideas and well-told stories, and a commitment to her writers that shines through everything she does. Jessica Corbett’s knowledge, thoroughness, and rainbow-colored note system put me in awe of fact-checkers.
It was a thrill to work with Luke Dempsey, Sarah Haugen, and the entire team at HarperCollins. Luke understood and valued the story I sought to tell at a time when many others in the publishing world did not, and he kept me focused on telling that story amid the rising political maelstrom. From the moment I saw the cover design, I knew Harper truly got it, and I was in good hands.
I am indebted to the Nieman Foundation for Journalism at Harvard, and most of all to Curator Ann Marie Lipinski, who provided me the mental space, tools, and unwavering support to seed this project. The entire Nieman ’13 family served as cheerleaders. In particular, Jane Spencer challenged me at the Grafton Street Pub & Grill to run with my dream of writing a book. Jeneen Interlandi reviewed my initial proposal in our tiny Dunster House apartment and provided nuanced editing of the manuscript. Mary Beth Sheridan also read the manuscript, offering excellent suggestions and even joining me on a midnight reporting run outside the Supreme Court of the United States. Paige Williams remained in my head long after her 2013 narrative nonfiction class ended, prodding me to do the brutal work of “killing the lovelies.”
I am also ever grateful to Isaac Lee and to all my colleagues at Fusion and Univision who supported this project and gave me time to work on it. Lynn Medford read a rough early version, and her encouragement kept me going as my deadline loomed.
From her perch in Northern California, Jessica Garrison provided a crucial read on the revised manuscript and helped snip away loose threads.
The idea for this book was born over Thanksgiving 2012, during a conversation with Benjamin Wides. Ever since I can remember, he has challenged me to think more broadly about the world and about my role in it. He and Lori Chajet were constant sounding boards throughout this process, providing love, and at times lodging, during New York reporting trips. Also in New York, Barbara Demick shared the experience and wisdom earned from writing both award-winning and inspiring books and kept me going when I feared the story was coming apart.
Much of the broader narrative in this book evolved from more than a decade of reporting on immigration, mostly at the Associated Press. The AP is truly a fraternity, and there are too many brothers and sisters for me to name. You all know who you are. I am blessed to count among my AP
mentors there: Sue Cross, Michelle Morgante, John Antczak, and the indomitable Kathleen Carroll.
I wouldn’t be the writer I am were it not for Louise and Burton Wides, who instilled in me a love of language and storytelling. They have always been there unconditionally, modeling what it means to be a citizen of the world.
And, finally, to Carlos Muñoz, without whose steadfast encouragement, tough love, wisdom, and patience this book might never have been born. As Mario Benedetti wrote: “My love my accomplice and my everything . . . your eyes are my spell against a cursed day.”
A NOTE ON LANGUAGE
I am often asked about the terms Hispanic or Latino. Which is more respectful? Which is more accurate when referring to the more than 57 million people living in the United States? Both pop up in this book, as does the more recent term Latinx, so I thought I’d take a moment to unpack these terms. I chose to refer to anyone living in the United States of Latin American heritage as “Latino.” That includes people regardless of whether, as with Hareth Andrade-Ayala, a family comes from a Spanish-speaking country like Bolivia, or, as in the case of Felipe Sousa-Rodriguez, from Portuguese-speaking Brazil. Latino covers those living in Puerto Rico, too, who, yes, are US citizens. To perhaps state the obvious, being Latino is not simply about race. There are black Guatemalans and white Mexicans. It is about a shared geopolitical history, cultural affinities, and, frequently but not always, language.
Hispanic is a term that has traditionally been used in states like Florida, New Mexico, and Texas by people of Spanish and Latin American descent. And it is still the preferred term of the US Census. But it is a word generally associated in the United States with Spanish language and culture, and thus often viewed as excluding those with heritage from Brazil, as well as Suriname or French Guiana. For some people, it also serves as an unwelcome reminder of Spain’s brutal colonization across the Western Hemisphere.
Latinx is increasingly being used in lieu of the masculine word Latino. I support the idea that a group of people should not automatically be defined as masculine (under traditional grammar rules, a group of twenty women would be a group of Latinas, but add one man, and it becomes a group of Latinos). And Latinx also provides space for those like Isabel Sousa-Rodriguez, who eschew one specific gender altogether. Yet Latinx is a term that is still new and unfamiliar to many readers. It wouldn’t have felt accurate to use it for events that occurred around the millennium, and it would have been confusing to switch midway through the book.
Add to all these nuances the fact that some Latin American immigrants eschew any of these terms, as in the case of my husband, who identifies more specifically as a Guatemalan immigrant or a Guatemalan American. Nevertheless, Latino is currently the most common word used to identify this diverse and dynamic group of people, and for ease of understanding, I went with it.
NOTES
CHAPTER 1: IN THE BEGINNING
1William Finnegan, “Letters from Bolivia: Leasing the Rain,” New Yorker, April 8, 2002. http://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2002/04/08/leasing-the-rain.
2Clare M. Ribando, “Bolivia: Political and Economic Developments and Relations with the United States,” Congressional Research Service, January 26, 2007. http://fas.org/sgp/crs/row/RL32580.pdf.
3Jimmy Langman, “Bolivian Natives Draw Hope from Past,” Globe and Mail (Toronto), September 4, 2001. https://beta.theglobeandmail.com/news/world/bolivian-nativesdraw-hope-from-past/article4152579/?ref=http://www.theglobeandmail.com&.
4“Occupy La Paz,” International Worker, August 31, 2001, 12.
5http://www.usadiversitylottery.com/green-card-lottery-dv2002-result.php.
6“Cal Bernstein, Obituary,” New York Times, August 13, 2003. http://www.legacy.com/obituaries/nytimes/obituary.aspx?n=cal-bernstein&pid=1294098.
7The Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act (IRIRA) was signed in 1996 but went into effect in April 1997.
8Rocio, produced and directed by Dario Guerrero-Meneses, Carson, CA, 2016.
9Liz Guillen, “Undocumented Immigrant Students: A Very Brief Overview of Access to Higher Education in California,” Public Advocates, Inc. https://tcla.gseis.ucla.edu/reportcard/features/5-6/ab540/pdf/UndocImmigStud.pdf.
10Chris Fuchs, “‘Original Dreamer’ Still Fights for Undocumented Immigrants 16 Years After First Dream Act,” NBC News, March 30, 2017. http://www.nbcnews.com/news/asian-america/original-dreamer-still-fights-undocumented-immigrants-16-years-after-first-n740491.
11Office of Senator Richard Durbin, “Durbin Statement on the Passage of Immigration Reform Bill,” press release, June 27, 2013. https://www.durbin.senate.gov/newsroom/press-releases/durbin-statement-on-the-passage-of-immigration-reform-bill.
12Children’s Adjustment, Relief, and Education Act of 2001, S. 1265, 107th Congress, 2001. https://www.congress.gov/bill/107th-congress/senate-bill/1265.
13“Education Spending per Student by State,” Governing, 2014. http://www.governing.com/gov-data/education-data/state-education-spending-per-pupil-data.html.
14Judiciary Committee Report: The Development, Relief, Education for Alien Minors Act of 2001, S. 1291, 107th Congresss, 2001. https://www.congress.gov/107/bills/s1291/BILLS-107s1291rs.pdf.
15Eric Schmitt, “Bush Aides Weigh Legalizing Status of Mexicans in U.S.” New York Times, July 15, 2001. http://www.nytimes.com/2001/07/15/us/bush-aides-weigh-legalizing-status-of-mexicans-in-us.html?pagewanted=all&_r=0.
16Jonathan Peterson and Edwin Chen, “Immigration Reform Bid May Expand,” Chicago Tribune, July 27, 2001. http://articles.chicagotribune.com/2001-07-27/news/0107270256_1_immigration-reform-american-immigration-lawyers-association-deserving-immigrants.
17U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, “Net Undercount and Undercount Rate for U.S. and States (1990). https://www.census.gov/dmd/www/pdf/understate.pdf, Table 1. “Population by Race and Hispanic or Latino Origin, for the United States, Regions, Divisions, and States, and for Puerto Rico: 2000,” April 2001. https://www.census.gov/population/www/cen2000/briefs/phc-t6/tables/tab01.pdf.
18FBI report, October 12, 2001, requested and held by Marie Deel through the Freedom of Information Act.
19“Timeline: How the Anthrax Terror Unfolded,” NPR, February 15, 2011. http://www.npr.org/2011/02/15/93170200/timeline-how-the-anthrax-terror-unfolded.
20“Cholera spreading throughout Central America,” Agent France Press, November 13, 1991.
CHAPTER 2: SEEDS PLANTED
1Laura Wides, “Marine Killed in War Was Orphan Immigrant,” Midland Daily News, March 24, 2003. http://www.ourmidland.com/news/article/Marine-Killed-in-War-Was-Orphan-Immigrant-7194603.php.
2Samuel Gompers, “American Labor and Immigration—Gompers Letters (Reprint),” Social Contract Journal 15, no. 4 (Summer 2005). http://www.thesocialcontract.com/artman2/publish/tsc1504/article_1339.shtml.
3Stone and Rodriguez, “Immigrant Rights.”
4Emily Eisenberg, “DREAM Warriors: Children of Illegal Immigrants Fight for Their Rights,” April 21, 2004. http://www.mtv.com/news/1486499/dream-warriors-children-of-illegal-immigrants-fight-for-their-rights/.
5Marie Gonzalez, untitled speech, draft version from the files of Josh Bernstein, April 20, 2004.
6“Chapter 2: Religious Switching,” The Shifting Religious Identity of Latinos in the United States, Pew Research Center, May 7, 2014. http://www.pewforum.org/2014/05/07/the-shifting-religious-identity-of-latinos-in-the-united-states/.
7Naderet Pourat, Steven P. Wallace, Max W. Hadler, and Nina Ponce, “Assessing Health Care Services Used by California’s Undocumented Immigrant Population in 2010,” Health Affairs 33, no. 5 (May 2014): 840–47. http://content.healthaffairs.org/content/33/5/840.abstract.
8Shannon McConville and Helen Lee, “Emergency Department Care in California: Who Uses It and Why?,” California Counts: Population Trends and Profiles 10, no 1 (August 2008): 1–2. http://www.ppic.org/content/pubs/cacounts/CC_808SMCC.pdf.
9U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census,
“Overview of Race and Hispanic Origin, 2010,” March 2011. https://www.census.gov/prod/cen2010/briefs/c2010br-02.pdf.
10Margaret Sands Orchowski, The Law That Changed the Face of America: The immigration and Nationality Act of 1965 (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2015), Kindle edition, location 658, “From States to Feds.”
11“No Country for Little Kids,” The Daily Show with Jon Stewart, September 4, 2014. http://www.cc.com/video-clips/r7zfin/the-daily-show-with-jon-stewart-no-country-for-little-kids.
12Megan Cassidy, “Ex-Minuteman Chris Simcox Sentenced to 19.5 Years in Child Sex-Abuse Case,” Arizona Republic, July 11, 2016. http://www.azcentral.com/story/news/local/phoenix/2016/07/11/chris-simcox-sentenced-child-sex-abuse/86948200/.
13Garance Burke and Laura Wides-Munoz, “Immigrants Prove Big Business for Prison Companies,” U.S. News & World Report, August 2, 2012. https://www.usnews.com/news/us/articles/2012/08/02/immigrants-prove-big-business-for-prison-companies.
14“Marie’s Dream,” directed and edited by Raimondo Di Egidio, 2012. https://vimeo.com/36886730.
15Ibid.
16Ibid.
CHAPTER 3: A WAKE-UP CRY
1Edward Kennedy, “Senator Kennedy Rallies for Immigration,” April 10, 2006. http://www.tedkennedy.org/ownwords/event/immigration_rally.html.
2Oscar Avila and Antonio Olivo, “A Show of Strength,” Chicago Tribune, March 11, 2006. articles.chicagotribune.com/2006-03-11/news/0603110130_1_immigration-debate-pro-immigrant-illegal-immigrants.
3Mark Engler and Paul Engler, “Op-Ed: The Massive Immigrant Rights Protests of 2006 are Still Changing Politics,” Los Angeles Times, March 4, 2016. http://www.latimes.com/opinion/op-ed/la-oe-0306-engler-immigration-protests-2006-20160306-story.html.
4“Presidential Approval Ratings—George W. Bush,” Gallup, 2001–2009. http://www.gallup.com/poll/116500/presidential-approval-ratings-george-bush.aspx.
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