As he was speaking, an old lady suddenly yelled, “Liar!” Then ten people joined her, then one hundred, then one thousand, and soon one hundred thousand. An unnerved Ceausescu turned to run but the military delivered him to the revolutionaries instead. The hated Romanian leader and his wife, Elena, were executed.
That is the Ceausescu moment, when the only thing standing between the dictator and his people—fear—breaks down, and there is nothing left but anger. An old lady yells “liar,” a policeman refuses to fire at the Berlin Wall, a soldier turns his tank turret away from the crowd in the square, and suddenly the tides have turned in favor of the oppressed. We had hoped that the authoritarians of the Middle East, particularly our friends, would change the basis of their relationship to their people before the Ceausescu moment came to them. But some of them did not. As I write, people across the region are clamoring for their liberty and demanding a voice in how they will be governed.
While freedom and democracy sustain each other, they are not the same thing. Democracy is both a process and a system of governance that protects freedom. The process is begun with elections—a first step toward stable democracy. The harder task is to construct institutional arrangements that define the relationship of the individual’s rights to the state’s authority and sustain that contract over time.
The United States, more than any other country, should understand that the journey from freedom to stable democracy is a long one and that its work is never done. After all, when the Founding Fathers said, “We the people,” they didn’t mean me. My ancestors were counted as three-fifths of a man in the deal that permitted the founding of this country. My father had trouble registering to vote in Alabama in 1952 due to poll tests and harassment of black voters. And I didn’t have a white classmate until I moved from Birmingham to Denver at age twelve.
Still, we are also an example of why institutions matter in moving toward justice. When Martin Luther King or Rosa Parks—one a recognized national leader, the other an ordinary citizen—wanted to challenge the status quo, they could appeal directly to America’s own principles. They didn’t have to ask the United States to be something else, only to be what it professed to be. That’s the value of democratic institutions, even if their promise is not completely fulfilled immediately. At first, constitutions or bills of rights may exist only on paper. But they exist. And as people begin to appeal to them, to use them, to insist on respect for them by those in positions of authority, these institutions gain legitimacy and power.
Yet political change is necessary but not sufficient in itself for the success of democracy. When people choose their leaders they tend to expect more of them in terms of economic prosperity and social justice. That is why support for democracy must be accompanied by support for development. The Millennium Challenge Corporation was created with this in mind. Those who are governing wisely and democratically can use foreign assistance to deliver for their people—better health care, education, and prospects for employment. Ultimately, good leaders will free their economies and their markets and attract private investment. But they need help at the start, and our investment in them will pay off many times over as the number of stable, responsible democracies grows.
It is why, having helped Afghans and Iraqis win their freedom, we have an ongoing stake in the maturation of their nascent institutions. If the governments are called to fulfill the contract their people have with them, the democracies will over time stabilize and mature. Citizens will use those institutions to address their grievances and to pursue remedies. Most important, they will know that the ultimate weapon is in their hands: they can change their leaders peacefully. And in time, terrorists and hostile neighbors will find it more difficult to shake the foundations of these governments.
Nowhere is this truer than in the Middle East where the Arab Spring has freed millions. Americans can help to channel the developments there in a positive direction. We have influence with the militaries in Egypt and Tunisia; with civil society and political activists, many of whom we’ve helped to train through America’s nongovernmental institutions; and with entrepreneurs and businesspeople who need a way to access the power of international markets to deliver jobs and prosperity.
In other places, our friends—particularly the monarchs of the region—still have a chance to reform now before it’s too late. The United States can coax these monarchies to adopt constitutions and reforms that give greater voice to their people. The changes will strengthen moderate voices across the region, including in the Palestinian territories. The Palestinians have made great strides toward building democratic and accountable governing structures—even in the absence of statehood. The United States and the international community—but most especially, Israelis and Arabs—have an interest in providing a framework toward peace in which those hard-won reforms can be sustained.
And to our enemies, the Syrian and Iranian regimes, we should say, “Your time has come. Whatever follows you is unlikely to be worse, for your people and for the world, than who you have been.”
To say that democracy is ultimately stabilizing is not to say that the pathway will be smooth and without setbacks, even violence. Because reform has come late in the Middle East, the most organized forces are the extremists who gathered in radical mosques and madrassas while authoritarians pushed decent political forces out of the public square. The radical Islamists will likely contest in elections. But perhaps it’s better that way. In the light of day, they will have to answer questions about individual rights and religious freedom and about the role of women. They will have to explain too how they intend to improve people’s lives. When the only vision they have to offer is one of oppression and destruction, they will surely fail, removing not only the threat they pose to the region but also across the globe.
It all sounds like very heavy lifting, and as I’ve traveled abroad since leaving office, people ask me if the United States is still prepared to be a catalyst for democratic change and a partner for those who seek it. The question is often sparked by the second of those great international shocks: the financial crisis and its aftermath. Is America out of steam, confidence, and optimism? I don’t believe that we are—and I don’t believe we have a choice to retire to the sidelines.
I told President Bush a few months before leaving office that people were tired of us. After 9/11 we dared to think in broad historical strokes, believing that many of the old assumptions about stability and security no longer held. I realize now that it may have seemed unsettling—and exhausting—at home and abroad. But the legacy of 9/11 is a reminder that indeed our interests and our values are linked. That lesson was never more evident than when the consequences of the freedom gap in the Middle East exploded here at home.
As secretary of state I was always aware of the constraints of the world as it is and resolved to practice the art of the possible. But I also tried not to lose sight of the world as it could be, and insisted on a path toward that end. This is the long-term work of diplomacy. History will judge how well we did. I can live with that, and I am grateful for the chance to have tried.
NOTE ON SOURCES
In composing this memoir, I drew upon a variety of materials to supplement my own recollections of the consequential events that shaped my time at the White House and State Department. I relied on my daily calendars and official trip logs to recall various meetings and travel over the course of my eight years in government. I am enormously grateful to Liz Lineberry for keeping such meticulous records.
I also drew heavily on the public papers of the George W. Bush presidency as well as those released by the State Department from 2005 to 2009, including speeches, public statements, reports, publications, and transcripts of briefings, congressional testimony, interviews, and press conferences. These materials are publicly available on the archived websites for the George W. Bush White House (http://georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov/) and the State Department (http://2001–2009.state.gov).
In addition, I
consulted documents housed at the George W. Bush Presidential Library and my papers at the State Department. On several occasions, Peter Haligas made it possible for me to review my NSC papers at the library’s temporary facility in Louisville, Texas, and he, Shannon Jarrett, and David Sabo assisted in processing declassification requests. Clarence Finney, director of the office of correspondence and records at the State Department, made it possible for me to review my papers in California. I am indebted to the dedicated employees of the National Archives and Records Administration who are preserving these documents from this consequential period of American history not only for me but also for future generations of scholars.
A number of my colleagues and former associates in government generously participated in interviews for this book and helped sharpen my memory of key events. The Presidential Oral History Program at the University of Virginia’s Miller Center of Public Affairs hosted roundtable discussions with some of my senior staff members at the State Department. I am grateful to Russell Riley, the chair of the program, Bryan Craig, Katrina Kuhn, Barbara Perry, Marc Selverstone, and Seyom Brown for organizing these. Many other colleagues provided helpful answers to my various inquiries throughout this process.
I reviewed secondary sources as well, including news reports in print and broadcast media, to supplement my own recollections. I consulted articles in the New York Times, the Washington Post, the Wall Street Journal, and other publications in conjunction with broadcast transcripts from programs produced by CNN, Fox News, ABC News, CBS News, NBC News, and other networks. Archived news coverage was accessed through online subscription databases made available by the Stanford University Libraries & Academic Information Resources.
A partial list of sources appears below.
Bush, George W. 2001. “Statement by the President in His Address to the Nation.” Oval Office, White House, Washington, D.C., September 11.
———. 2001. “Address to a Joint Session of Congress and the American People.” United States Capitol, Washington, D.C., September 20.
———. 2001. “Remarks by the President to the United Nations General Assembly.” United Nations Headquarters, New York, N.Y., November 10.
———. 2002. “State of the Union Address.” United States Capitol, Washington, D.C., January 29.
———. 2002. “President Bush Delivers Graduation Speech at West Point.” United States Military Academy, West Point, N.Y., June 1.
———. 2002. “President Bush Calls for New Palestinian Leadership.” Rose Garden, White House, Washington, D.C., June 24.
———. 2002. “Remarks by the President to the United Nations General Assembly.” United Nations Headquarters, New York, N.Y., September 12.
———. 2003. “Address to the Nation.” Cross Hall, White House, March 17.
———. 2003. “Address to the Nation.” Oval Office, White House, March 19.
———. 2004. “Letter from President Bush to Prime Minister Sharon,” April 14.
———. 2005. “Second Inaugural Address.” United States Capitol, Washington, D.C., January 20.
———. 2007. “Address to the Nation.” Library, White House, January 10.
Commission on Intelligence Capabilities of the United States Regarding Weapons of Mass Destruction. “Report to the President of the United States.” March 31, 2005.
Director of Central Intelligence. “Iraq’s Weapons of Mass Destruction Programs.” October 2002.
Iraq Study Group. The Iraq Study Group Report: The Way Forward—A New Approach. New York: Vintage Books, 2006.
Joseph, Robert G. Countering WMD: The Libyan Experience. Fairfax, Va.: National Institute Press, 2009.
National Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States. The 9/11 Commission Report. 2004.
National Security Strategy of the United States of America. September 2002.
Office of the Director of National Intelligence. “Iran: Nuclear Intentions and Capabilities.” National Intelligence Estimate. November 2007.
Performance-Based Road Map to a Permanent Two-State Solution to the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict. United Nations Security Council Document S/2003/529.
Rice, Condoleezza. “Promoting the National Interest.” Foreign Affairs. January/February 2000.
———. 2004. Testimony at the Ninth Public Hearing of the National Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States. Hart Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C., April 8.
———. 2005. “Remarks at the American University in Cairo.” Cairo, Egypt, June 20.
———. 2005. Testimony before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. “Iraq in United States Foreign Policy.” 109th Cong., 2nd sess., October 19.
———. 2006. “Transformational Diplomacy.” Georgetown University, Washington, D.C., January 18.
———. 2007. “Remarks at the Centennial Dinner for the Economic Club of New York.” New York, N.Y., June 7.
———. “Rethinking the National Interest.” Foreign Affairs. March/April 2008.
United Nations Development Programme, Regional Bureau for Arab States/Arab Fund for Economic and Social Development. Arab Human Development Report 2002: Creating Opportunities for Future Generations. New York: United Nations Publications, 2002.
U.S. Army/Marine Corps Counterinsurgency Field Manual. U.S. Army Field Manual No. 3–24/Marine Corps Warfighting Publication No. 3–33.5. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007.
U.S. Senate Select Committee on Intelligence and U.S. House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence. “Joint Inquiry into Intelligence Community Activities Before and After the Terrorist Attacks of September 11, 2001.” 107th Cong., 2nd sess., S. Report No. 107–351, H. Report No. 107–792, December 2002.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Writing this book has afforded me the opportunity to revisit the historic and challenging events of my eight years of government service. In doing so, I have felt enormously grateful for the chance to work with such wonderful people, many of whom became and remain dear friends.
During those years in Washington the pressure was often high, and I was sustained by the love of my family and their unwavering support. The extraordinary, ordinary Rays and Rices were always there—just a phone call away.
This book simply would not have been possible without the dedication of Cameron Bell and Theo Milonopoulos. Cam and Theo led the project from its inception to its final stages, providing exemplary leadership and research, keen insights, and scrupulous attention to detail. Their drive for excellence greatly enhanced the manuscript.
I want to thank my senior research associate, Leisel Bogan, who contributed to story lines, offered helpful feedback, and supplied background information, as well as my invaluable research team: Kia Ghorashi, Justine Isola, Charles Nicas, and early on, Daniel Slate. Their precision in fact-checking and copyediting was both humbling and essential. The book also received important contributions from Mohammad Ali, Jenny Arriola, Amir Badat, Dianna Bai, Carolyn Forstein, Avery Halfon, and Philippe de Koning.
My team in California has been a blessing to me as they balance and support my many commitments. My new, indefatigable chief of staff, Georgia Godfrey, along with her excellent predecessors, Anne Lyons and Colby Cooper, have provided leadership and wise counsel over the years. Caroline Beswick and Julianne Jochmann kept me on schedule and organized, and my longtime assistant Marilyn Stanley remained indispensible throughout the production process. Others in my office—Natalie Davies, Blair Dawkins, Taylor Jackson, Emma Welch, Molly Welch—offered cheerful assistance.
The continued support of the Hoover Institution and Stanford University allowed me to complete this project. John Hennessy, John Etchemendy, John Raisian, Garth Saloner, Steven Denning and Roberta Bowman Denning, George and Charlotte Shultz, and Thomas and Barbara Stephenson have continuously welcomed me back home to Stanford with open arms.
I’d like to thank the team at Crown Publishing—specifically Tina Constable, David Drake, Laura Duffy, Linnea
Knollmueller, Elizabeth Rendfleisch, Nathan Roberson, Robert Siek, and Penny Simon for their efforts on behalf of this book. And thank you to my talented editor, Rick Horgan, who challenged me to reflect and then gave me the space to write my story.
I am grateful for the trusted friends and colleagues who helped make the experience of government service a meaningful one. Many shared their thoughts, memories, and anecdotes for this book. President Bush and First Lady Laura Bush were gracious in doing so. Steve Hadley, Steve Krasner, and Anja Manuel reviewed the manuscript, as did my Stanford colleagues David Kennedy and Amy Zegart. Thanks also to John Bellinger, Dan Fried, Jendayi Frazer, and David Welch, who read and commented on matters related to their expertise.
Many former colleagues also answered research inquiries as they arose. To Bill Burns, Nick Burns, Victor Cha, Eliot Cohen, Bob Conquest, Alexander Downer, Brian Gunderson, Carlos Gutierrez, Albert Hawkins, Michael Hayden, Chris Hill, Reuben Jeffrey, Anne Krueger, Jay Lefkowitz, Greg Manuel, Cindy Marble, Sean McCormack, Frank Miller, Kori Shake, Tom Shannon, James Sheehan, Shirin Tahir-Kheli, Fran Townsend, Matt Waxman, and Phil Zelikow, thank you for your kind and generous help.
During my research, the Miller Center of Public Affairs at the University of Virginia invited me to participate in their Presidential Oral History Program. Russell Riley, the program chair, and Katrina Kuhn, the program administrator, conducted useful group interviews with my former State and White House team. I am grateful to them for this terrific forum.
The professionals at the National Archives and Records Administration at the George W. Bush Presidential Library were relentless in their search for records and documents. Shannon Jarrett, the supervisory archivist, and archivists Peter Haligas and David Sabo guided me through the archives, and Jodie Steck willingly tracked down photos from my days at the White House.
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