Agincourt

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Agincourt Page 47

by Juliet Barker


  37http://jeulin.chez.tiscali.fr/Normandie/Mesnieres/histoire/MesnBois.htm. (back to text)

  38Siméon Luce, La France Pendant la Guerre du Cent Ans: Épisodes Historiques et Vie Privée aux XIVe et XVe Siècles (Libraire Hachette et Cie., Paris, 1904), pp. 150, 166-70, 174-5. (back to text)

  39Le Févre, i, pp. 266, 265, 248; Bouvier, pp. 68-9, 69 n. 1; Monstrelet, iii, p. 113; Allmand (ed), Society at War, p. 25. (back to text)

  40Monstrelet, iii, pp. 104, 124; Luce, La France Pendant la Guerre du Cent Ans, pp. 176-7. (back to text)

  41Ibid., pp. 183-8, 190-3; St-Denys, v, pp. 310-12. (back to text)

  42www.ville-auchyleshesdin.fr/default_zone/fr/html/page-77.html. Their burial site was lost when the abbey was destroyed. (back to text)

  43Curry, pp. 459-60. (back to text)

  44Curry, p. 467. The petition was inspected under a vidimus of July 1416, by which date presumably nothing had changed. (back to text)

  45Le Févre, i, p. 260; GHQ, p. 92. (back to text)

  46Ibid., p. 93; le Févre, i, p. 260. (back to text)

  47W&W, ii, pp. 176 n. 4, 220. (back to text)

  48Bacquet, p. 95; le Févre, i, p. 260. (back to text)

  49Ibid.; W&W, ii, p. 217 n. 6, quote other examples of this practice. (back to text)

  50http://home.tiscali.be/lathuyfdlc/gen/pafg131.htm#2705; Bacquet, pp. 83, 84, 87. (back to text)

  51Ibid., pp. 95-6, 83-4. The heralds’ list, which was preserved in the duke of Brabant’s library in Brussels, is reproduced in ibid., pp. 85-6. (back to text)

  52Monstrelet, iii, p. 122; W&W, ii, p. 225. Monstrelet, and other Burgundian apologists, attribute the initiative to the charitable piety of Philippe, count of Charolais, son of John the Fearless, who was absent from the battle. (back to text)

  CHAPTER SEVENTEEN: THE RETURN OF THE KING

  1GHQ, p. 93. (back to text)

  2Capgrave, p. 134; Brut, ii, p. 557; Elmham, “Liber Metricus,” p. 123; Keen, Chivalry, p. 47. (back to text)

  3GHQ, p. 99. (back to text)

  4W&W, ii, p. 190 n. 7; Bacquet, p. 103. (back to text)

  5“Le Livre des Trahisons de France envers la Maison de Bourgogne,” p. 129; Basin, Histoire de Charles VII, i, p. 44; W&W, ii, p. 202 n. 4; St-Denys, v, pp. 558-60. (back to text)

  6Le Févre, i, p. 261; Bacquet, pp. 94-5, 105. (back to text)

  7St Albans, p. 97; le Févre, i, pp. 268-9; St-Denys, v, p. 574; Bacquet, p. 95; W&W, ii, p. 243 n. 8. (back to text)

  8Curry, p. 63; le Févre, i, p. 263. (back to text)

  9GHQ, pp. 98-100; le Févre, i, p. 260; Monstrelet, iii, pp. 111-12. (back to text)

  10Le Févre, i, p. 261; Monstrelet, iii, p. 112; W&W, ii, p. 186 and nn. 2, 5. (back to text)

  11Bacquet, p. 112. (back to text)

  12Le Févre, i, pp. 261-2; W&W, ii, p. 248 and nn. 3, 4; Devon, p. 342. On 2 November 1415, the men of Falkenham in Suffolk were ordered to send ale and other victuals with all possible speed to Calais, “as it is well known that [the king] is now at Calais in person with his army”: CCR, p. 237. (back to text)

  13See above, p. 117. (back to text)

  14Le Févre, i, p. 263; W&W, ii, p. 248 and nn. 7, 8, 10. (back to text)

  15Nicolas, Appx vi, p. 24. The names of twenty-four are given in W&W, ii, p. 252 n. 5. Jean, sire d’Estouteville, is not mentioned there, but it is clear from de Gaucourt’s account that the two men presented themselves to Henry V together. (back to text)

  16http://membres.lycos.fr/valsoleil/hellandes/histoire_du_fief_de_hellande. htm; W&W, ii, p. 251 n. 9. The surviving nine prisoners were shipped to England in February 1417 and sent to the Fleet prison in London. (back to text)

  17W&W, ii, pp. 251 n. 9, 252 n. 5; Devon, pp. 355-6. Peter Altobasse (d.1427), a Portuguese who was naturalised as an English citizen in 1420, was physician and clerk to the first three Lancastrian kings: Talbot and Hammond, The Medical Practitioners in Medieval England: A Biographical Register, pp. 246-7. (back to text)

  18W&W, ii, p. 244 n. 3, p. 249 n. 6. (back to text)

  19Ibid., ii, p. 249 n. 6; Devon, pp. 344-5. (back to text)

  20GHQ, p. 100. De Gaucourt and the Harfleur prisoners clearly accompanied the king, since £40 11s 11d was paid by the treasurer of the king’s household for their expenses at Calais for five days only (that is, 11-16 November): they did not remain in Calais until 10 December, as suggested by GHQ, p. 100 n. 1, based on conflicting statements in W&W, ii, p. 252 nn. 4, 6. (back to text)

  21Le Févre, i, p. 264; Monstrelet, iii, p. 125; St Albans, p. 97. Later chroniclers, such as the First English Life, p. 64, built upon these reports to glorify Henry’s insouciance in the face of danger and to denigrate the cowardice of the French, who were said to have been as afraid as they had been at Agincourt. (back to text)

  22GHQ, p. 100; Elmham, “Liber Metricus,” p. 124; Jonathan Alexander and Paul Binski (eds), Age of Chivalry: Art in Plantagenet England 1200-1400 (Royal Academy of Arts, London, 1987), pp. 479-81. (back to text)

  23See above, p. 114. (back to text)

  24GHQ, p. 100; Elmham, “Liber Metricus,” p. 124; Memorials of London and London Life, p. 621. (back to text)

  25Ibid., pp. 621-2; Letter-Books, p. 144. (back to text)

  26GHQ, p. 103; Usk, pp. 258-61. (back to text)

  27Ibid.; Brut, ii, p. 558; le Févre, i, p. 264. (back to text)

  28GHQ, p. 103; Usk, p. 261. The differing characters of the two men are also evident in the fact that Adam sees a lance, the chaplain only a baton, in the giant’s hand. (back to text)

  29Ibid.; Elmham, “Liber Metricus,” pp. 125-6; GHQ, pp. 104-5. (back to text)

  30GHQ, p. 107; Elmham, “Liber Metricus,” p. 126. (back to text)

  31GHQ, pp. 107-9; Elmham, “Liber Metricus,” pp. 126-7. (back to text)

  32GHQ, pp. 108-11; Elmham, “Liber Metricus,” p. 127; Usk, p. 261. “Glorious things of thee are spoken” is from Psalms 44.8. (back to text)

  33Ibid., p. 261; W&W, ii, pp. 268-9, where, following later sources, the presentation is placed on the day after the king’s formal entry into London. (back to text)

  34GHQ, pp. 110-13; Elmham, “Liber Metricus,” pp. 127-8. (back to text)

  35GHQ, p. 113; McLeod, p. 133. See also Elmham, “Liber Metricus,” pp. 128-9. (back to text)

  36GHQ, p. 113; Elmham, “Liber Metricus,” p. 129; Usk, p. 263. (back to text)

  37W&W, ii, p. 271 n. 5; Marks and Williamson (eds), Gothic Art for England 1400-1547, p. 439. The choir and the duke’s tomb were destroyed during the Reformation; the nave, built by Richard, duke of York, survived as the parish church. The existing memorial to the duke in the church was erected later in the sixteenth century. The remains of Michael de la Pole, the young earl of Suffolk, were likewise removed from London for their interment, probably at Wingfield in Suffolk, though legend has it that he was buried in a silver casket at Butley Abbey in Suffolk. I am grateful to Ian Chance for this information. W&W, ii, p. 274, wrongly assert that he was buried at Ewelme, Oxfordshire: the family connection with this church did not begin until William de la Pole married Alice Chaucer over a decade later. (back to text)

  38Jacques Godard, “Quelques Précisions sur la Campagne d’Azincourt Tirées des Archives Municipales d’Amiens,” Bulletin Trimestre de la Société des Antiquaires de Picardie (1971), p. 134; Bacquet, p. 111. (back to text)

  39Curry, p. 462; Godard, “Quelques Précisions sur la Campagne d’Azincourt Tirées des Archives Municipales d’Amiens,” p. 135. (back to text)

  40St-Denys, v, p. 582. (back to text)

  41W&W, ii, pp. 282-3. (back to text)

  42Ibid., ii, pp. 281, 286-7; St-Denys, v, pp. 586-8; Baye, Journal, ii, pp. 231-2. (back to text)

  43Vaughan, pp. 208-10; W&W, ii, pp. 293-4. (back to text)

  CHAPTER EIGHTEEN: THE REWARDS OF VICTORY

  1Rotuli Parliamentorum, iv, p. 62. (back to text)

  2Ibid., pp. 63-4; GHQ, pp. 122-5; Ha
rriss, “The Management of Parliament,” in HVPK, p. 147. The extraordinary and personal nature of the grant was reflected in the condition that it was not to establish a precedent for future kings. (back to text)

  3Heath, Church and Realm 1272-1461, p. 281; ODNB; W&W, ii, pp. 238-9. (back to text)

  4Allmand, Henry V, pp. 100-1. (back to text)

  5Heath, Church and Realm 1272-1461, p. 281. St John’s bones had been translated twice, so his other feast day, 7 May, was also upgraded in the church calendar. (back to text)

  6McKenna, “How God Became an Englishman,” pp. 35-6; GHQ, pp. xviii, xxiv, 181. The first of Henry’s three victories referred to by the chaplain was over the Lollards. (back to text)

  7Ibid., pp. xxviii-xxix; Keen, The Pelican History of Medieval Europe, pp. 288ff. (back to text)

  8GHQ, p. 17; Keen, “Diplomacy,” in HVPK, p. 195; Devon, p. 345. (back to text)

  9Rotuli Parliamentorum, iv, pp. 100-1; ODNB; Harriss, “The King and his Magnates,” pp. 36, 39. (back to text)

  10Rotuli Parliamentorum, iv, p. 96; ODNB. (back to text)

  11E358/6, TNA, is the final set of accounts for fifty-nine indentees, including the duke of York and Lord Camoys, to have survived. It records details of cash payments, jewels received in pledge, the value of war winnings and the numbers and status of men lost during the campaign and shipped home from Calais (with their horses) in each company. (back to text)

  12POPC, ii, pp. 222-3, 225-7; Nicolas, Appx xi, pp. 50-2. The meeting was held on 6 March 1417. (back to text)

  13Ibid., Appx xiii, pp. 55-8; Harriss, “The King and his Magnates,” p. 41. (back to text)

  14Nicolas, pp. 171-2; Devon, p. 423. Clyff’s claim for wages alone would have amounted to £126, so he must have already received three-quarters of what the crown owed him. (back to text)

  15Keen, Origins of the English Gentleman, p. 33. I am indebted to Maurice Keen for his personal comments on this case. (back to text)

  16CPR, pp. 380, 385, 386, 395; Reeves, Lancastrian Englishmen, p. 94; Nicolas, Appx. xii, p. 54. (back to text)

  17Nicolas, p. 174. (back to text)

  18Ibid., pp. 170-1; Henry Paston-Bedingfield, “The Heralds at the Time of Agincourt,” in Curry, Agincourt 1415, pp. 136-7; Elizabeth Armstrong, “The Heraldry of Agincourt: Heraldic Insights into the Battle of Agincourt,” ibid., p. 132. (back to text)

  19Gruel, Chronique d’Arthur de Richemont, pp. 19-20; M. G. A. Vale, Charles VII (Eyre Methuen, London, 1974), p. 35. (back to text)

  20Devon, pp. 344, 345; Foedera, ix, pp. 324, 337; Forty-Fourth Annual Report, p. 578; McLeod, p. 134; Lalande, Jean II le Meingre, dit Boucicaut (1366-1421), p. 171. (back to text)

  21McLeod, pp. 145, 150; Lalande, Jean II le Meingre, dit Boucicaut (1366-1421), p. 171; W&W, ii, p. 253 n.1. Waterton kept a lavish household, spending more than £340 (the equivalent of $226,624 today) in 1416-17: C. M. Woolgar (ed), Household Accounts from Medieval England Part II, Records of Social and Economic History, New Series xviii, pp. 503-22. (back to text)

  22By comparison with other countries, the English had a reputation for treating their prisoners well. The Spanish “know not how to show courtesy to their prisoners” and, like the Germans, were notorious for holding even aristocratic captives in shackles and fetters in order to obtain greater ransoms. French merchants who were unfortunate enough to be apprehended in Normandy in 1417 by English, Burgundian and French forces in succession complained that the Burgundians treated them worse than the English, and the French were more cruel than Saracens. Barber, The Knight and Chivalry, p. 206; Lewis, Later Medieval France: The Polity, p. 50. (back to text)

  23Monstrelet, iii, pp. 120-1; http://tyreldepoix.free.fr/Site/Histoire.htm; Foedera, ix, p. 360; Bacquet, p. 112. (back to text)

  24See above, pp. 73, 272-3. For twenty-two prisoners in the Tower who were “plegges” for prisoners released on licence in 1423, see POPC, iii, 11. (back to text)

  25The very personal nature of his view of this obligation—and the extreme narrowness of its definition—was demonstrated two years later when Henry V died. Having spent seven years as the king’s prisoner, Richemont immediately returned to Brittany, considering himself to be released not only from his oath but also from his duty to pay a ransom. This was, by any standards, a highly debatable interpretation of the laws of war. Bouchart, Grandes Croniques de Bretaigne, pp. 271-2, 280. (back to text)

  26Nicolas, Appx vi; Forty-Fourth Annual Report, p. 578. (back to text)

  27Nicolas, Appx vi. (back to text)

  28Forty-Fourth Annual Report, p. 586; Calendar of Signet Letters of Henry IV and Henry V (1399-1422), p. 164 no. 800; Foedera, ix, p. 430; W&W, ii, pp. 39-41. (back to text)

  29Foedera, ix, pp. 424-6; Nicolas, Appx vi; Foedera, ix, p. 337; Stansfield, “John Holland, Duke of Exeter and Earl of Huntingdon (d.1447) and the Costs of the Hundred Years War,” pp. 108-9. De Gaucourt returned to France once more to arrange a joint ransom of twenty thousand crowns, with authority from d’Estouteville to sell one of the latter’s estates to raise his share; instead, de Gaucourt raised all the money himself, relying on d’Estouteville to repay him. On his deathbed, d’Estouteville charged his son to repay de Gaucourt the seventeen thousand crowns he now owed him but the son repudiated the debt and de Gaucourt therefore sued him in the Paris Parlement. (back to text)

  30Raoul de Gaucourt was “eighty-five years old, or thereabouts” when he gave evidence on 25 February 1455 to enable the pope to reverse the judgement against Joan of Arc. He is said have died on 21 June 1462. See Procès en Nullité de la Condamnation de Jeanne d’Arc, ed. by Pierre Duparc (Société de l’Histoire de France, Paris, 1977), i, p. 326; Chenaye-Desbois et Badier, Dictionnaire de la Noblesse, ix, pp. 33-5; Prevost, d’Arnot and de Morembert (eds), Dictionnaire de Biographie Française, xv, p. 689. After 1453 the only part of mainland France still in English hands was Calais. (back to text)

  31Vale, Charles VII, pp. 35-7; http://xenophongroup.com/montjoie/ richmond.htm. (back to text)

  32Vendôme, who was a prisoner of Sir John Cornewaille, was effectively exchanged in 1423 for John Holland, earl of Huntingdon, who had been captured at Baugé: Foedera, ix, p. 319; Stansfield, “John Holland, Duke of Exeter and Earl of Huntingdon (d.1447) and the Costs of the Hundred Years War,” pp. 108-9. (back to text)

  33McLeod, pp. 153, 161, 190, 192; Bacquet, p. 88. (back to text)

  34Lalande, Jean II le Meingre, dit Boucicaut (1366-1421), pp. 171-4; John Harthan, Books of Hours and Their Owners (Thames & Hudson, London, 1977, repr. 1978), p. 73. See plate 33. (back to text)

  35W&W, iii, p. 187. (back to text)

  36ELMA, pp. 389-93, 396-8; www174.pair.com/mja/chuck.html. In 1414, Charles d’Orléans had paid £276 7s 6d for 960 pearls which were to be sewn onto his sleeve in the form of the words and music of his chanson, “Madame je suis plus joyeulx”: ibid., p. 8 n. 36. See also plate 35. (back to text)

  37www.unibuc.ro/eBooks/lls/MihaelaVoicu-LaLiterature/CHARLES%20DORLEANS.htm p. 2. (back to text)

  38McLeod, pp. 171-2. (back to text)

  39Alain Chartier, The Poetical Works of Alain Chartier, ed. by J. C. Laidlaw (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1974), pp. 198-304, esp. pp. 262 (ll. 2138-45), 275-6 (ll. 2585-99). (back to text)

  40Alain Chartier, Le Quadrilogue Invectif, ed. and trans. by Florence Bouchet (Honoré Champion, Paris, 2002), p. 89. It should be pointed out that Chartier himself does not necessarily agree with this view, which is enunciated by his fictional knight on behalf of his class. (back to text)

  41Pizan, The Writings of Christine de Pizan, p. 339; Forhan, The Political Theory of Christine de Pizan, p. 72. Nevertheless, the importance of peace was the single most prominent recurring theme in Christine’s work: ibid., p. 141. (back to text)

  42Usk, p. 259. The last word of every line ends in “osa,” a scholarly device typical of medieval Latinists: ibid., p. 258. (back to text)

  43Musica Britannica: A National Collec
tion of Music, vol. iv, Medieval Carols, ed. by John Stevens (Royal Musical Association, London, 1952), p. 6, no. 8. See plate 30. (back to text)

  44Richard Olivier, Inspirational Leadership: Henry V and the Muse of Fire (Industrial Society, London, 2001), p. xxiii. In more recent times Henry V has been used to put across an anti-war message. Kenneth Branagh’s film version was made after the Falklands War; the National Theatre’s stage version, with a black actor in the title role, came in the wake of the US-led invasion of Iraq. Curry, pp. 260-359, provides an excellent overview of the literary response to Agincourt throughout the centuries, and cites many valuable examples of the different genres. (back to text)

  BIBLIOGRAPHY

  I: Abbreviations. Frequently cited sources have been abbreviated as follows:

  Bacquet:Gérard Bacquet, Azincourt (Scop-Sadag Press, Bellegarde, 1977).

  Bourgeois:Journal d’un Bourgeois de Paris 1405-1449, ed. by A. Tuetey (Paris, 1881).

  Bouvier:Gilles le Bouvier, dit Le Héraut Berry, Les Chroniques du Roi Charles VII, ed. by Henri Courteault and Léonce Celier (Société de l’Histoire de France, Paris, 1979).

  Brut:The Brut or The Chronicles of England, ed. by Friedrich W. D. Brie (Early English Text Society, London, 1908), vol. ii.

  Capgrave:John Capgrave, The Book of the Illustrious Henries, ed. and trans. by Francis Charles Hingeston (Longman and Co., London, 1858).

  CCR:Calendar of the Close Rolls, Preserved in the Public Record Office: Henry V, vol. I, AD 1413-1419 (HMSO, London, 1939).

  CPR:Calendar of the Patent Rolls, Preserved in the Public Record Office: Henry V, vol. I, AD 1413-1416 (HMSO, London, 1910).

  Curry:Anne Curry, The Battle of Agincourt: Agincourt 1415: Sources and Interpretations (Boydell Press, Woodbridge, 2000).

  Curry, Agincourt Agincourt 1415: Henry V, Sir Thomas Erpingham and the

  1415:Triumph of the English Archers, ed. by Anne Curry (Tempus, Stroud, 2000).

 

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