Scipio for a moment was at a loss how to tackle such a strong position, but not daring to wait lest the two other Carthaginian armies should come up, he devised a plan. He sent the velites and other light troops to scale the first “ step ” of the enemy’s position, and despite the rocky ascent and the shower of darts and stones, their determination and practice in using cover enabled them to gain the crest. Once a footing was secured, their better weapons and training for close combat prevailed over skirmishers trained for missile action with ample space for a running fight. Thus the Carthaginian light troops were driven back in disorder on the higher ridge.
Scipio, who had the rest of his army ready but inside their camp, “ now despatched the whole of his light troops with orders to support the frontal attack,” while, dividing his heavy foot into two bodies, he himself led one half round the left flank of the enemy’s position, and sent Lælius with the other to skirt the opposite flank of the ridge until he could find a good line of ascent. Making the shorter circuit, Scipio’s s men climbed the ridge first, and fell on the Carthaginians’ flank before they had properly deployed, as Hasdrubal, relying on the strength of his position, had delayed leading his main forces out of the camp. Thus trapped before they had formed up and while still on the move, the Carthaginians were thrown into disorder, and during the confusion Lælius came up and charged their other flank. It may be mentioned that Livy, in contradiction to Polybius, says that Scipio led the left wing and Lælius the right, a divergence obviously due to whether the position is considered from the attackers’ or the defenders’ side.
Polybius states that Hasdrubal’s original intention in case of a reverse had been to retreat to Gaul, and after recruiting as many of the natives as possible, to join his brother Hannibal in Italy. Whether this be surmise or fact, as soon as Hasdrubal realised the battle was lost he hurried from the hill with his treasure and his elephants, and collecting in his retreat as many of the fugitives as he could, retired up the river Tagus in the direction of the Pyrenees. But Scipio’s double envelopment, and still more his foresight in sending beforehand two cohorts to block two of the main lines of retreat, caught as in a net the bulk of the Carthaginian troops. Eight thousand were slain, twelve thousand taken prisoners. While the African prisoners were sold as slaves, Scipio once more showed his political sagacity by sending home the Spanish prisoners without ransom.
Polybius says, “ Scipio did not think it advisable to follow Hasdrubal, as he was afraid of being attacked by the other generals,” and to a military critic the reason is convincing. It would have been foolhardy to press farther into the mountainous interior with two more hostile armies, superior in strength, able to converge on him or to cut him off from his base. A bare statement of the military problem is ample answer to those, mainly civil historians, who decry Scipio on the score that he allowed Hasdrubal to quit Spain and move into Italy on his ill-fated attempt to join Hannibal. It is interesting to note that Hasdrubal followed the route of Wellington after Vittoria, making his way to the northern coast of Spain, and crossing by modern San Sebastian and the western gap where the Pyrenees slope down to the sea.
To pretend that Scipio, had he remained on the defensive, could have barred this passage is absurd, based as he was on the eastern coast. Either of the other Carthaginian armies could have contained him while Hasdrubal slipped through one of the numerous western passes, or again, if he attempted so distant a move through wild and mountainous country, not only would he have exposed his base but have invited disaster. But for Scipio’s offensive and victory at Bæcula, Hasdrubal could have entered Gaul in force, and thus have avoided the two years’ delay—so fatal to the Carthaginian cause —enforced by his need to recruit and reorganise his army in Gaul before passing on.
The aftermath of Bæcula, like that of Cartagena, contains two incidents which illumine Scipio’s character. The first was when the Spanish allies, old and new, all saluted him as king. Edeco and Andobales had done so when joining him on the outward march, and he had then paid little attention, but when the title was re-echoed so universally he took action. Summoning them to an assembly, he “ told them that he wished to be called kingly by them and actually to be kingly, but that he did not wish to be king or to be called so by any one. After saying this he ordered them to call him general ” (Polybius). Livy, relating this incident in other words, adds, “ Even barbarians were sensible of the greatness of mind which from such an elevation could despise a name, at the greatness of which the rest of mankind was overawed.” It is assuredly the clearest indication of Scipio’s mental stature that in the first flush of triumph this youthful conqueror could preserve such self-command and balance of mind. Weighed solely by his character, apart from his achievements, Scipio has claims to be considered the highest embodiment of the Roman virtues, humanised and broadened by the culture of Greece, yet proof against its degenerate tendencies.
The second incident, whether it be due solely to the sympathetic insight which peculiarly distinguished him or to the diplomatic foresight which made this gift of such inestimable value to his country, is equally significant. The quæstor selling the African prisoners came upon a handsome boy, and learning that he was of royal blood, sent him to Scipio. In answer to the latter’s questions, the boy said that he was a Numidian, his name Massiva, and that he had come to Spain with his uncle Masinissa, who had raised a force of cavalry to assist the Carthaginians. That, disobeying his uncle, who considered him too young to be in battle, “ he had clandestinely taken a horse and arms, and, without his uncle’s knowledge, gone on the field, where, his horse falling, he was thrown and taken prisoner.” Scipio asked him whether he wished to return to Masinissa, and on his assenting with tears of joy, presented the youth with “ a gold ring, a vest with broad purple border, a Spanish cloak with gold clasp, and a horse completely caparisoned, and then released him, ordering a party of horse to escort him as far as he chose.”
Scipio then fell back on his base, and spent the remainder of the summer in exploiting the effect of the victory by securing the alliance of most of the Spanish States. His wisdom in not following up Hasdrubal was justified by the fact that within a few days after the battle of Bæcula, Hasdrubal, son of Gisco, and Mago arrived to join Hasdrubal Barca. This arrival, too late to save the last-named from defeat, served to bring about a conference to settle their future plans. Realising that Scipio by his diplomacy and his victories had gained the sympathies of almost all Spain, they decided that Mago should transfer his forces to Hasdrubal Barca, and go to the Balearic Isles to raise fresh auxiliaries; that Hasdrubal Barca should move into Gaul as soon as possible before his remaining Spanish troops deserted, and then march on into Italy; that Hasdrubal, son of Gisco, should retire into the remotest part of Lusitania, near Gades—modern Cadiz,—where alone the Carthaginians might hope for Spanish aid. Finally, Masinissa, with a body of three thousand horse, was to have a roving commission, his object being to harass and ravage the lands of the Romans and of their Spanish allies.
The chronology of these years is somewhat difficult to determine, but the victory at Bæcula seems to have been in 208 B.C. The next year Scipio’s hold on the country was threatened afresh. A new general, Hanno, had come with a fresh army from Carthage to replace Hasdrubal Barca. Mago also had returned from the Balearic Isles, and after arming native levies in Celtiberia, which embraced parts of modern Arragon and Old Castile, was joined by Hanno. Nor was the threat only from one direction, for Hasdrubal, son of Gisco, had advanced from Gades into Bætica (Andalusia). If Scipio moved into the interior against Hanno and Mago he might find Hasdrubal across his rear. Therefore he detached his lieutenant, Silanus, with ten thousand foot and five hundred horse, to attack the former, while he himself apparently kept watch and check on Hasdrubal.
Silanus marched so fast, despite the rugged defiles and thick woods on his route, that he came on the Carthaginians before any messengers or even rumours had warned them of his approach. The advantage of surprise offset h
is inferior strength, and falling first on the Celtiberian camp, where no proper watch or guard was kept, he had routed them before the Carthaginians had come up to their aid. Mago with almost all the cavalry and two thousand foot fled from the field as soon as the verdict was clear, and retreated towards the province of Gades. But Hanno and those of the Carthaginians who arrived on the field when the battle was decided were taken prisoners, and the Celtiberian levies so thoroughly dispersed as to nip in the bud the danger that other tribes might copy their example and join the Carthaginians.
It is characteristic of Scipio that he was unstinting in his praise of Silanus. Having thus ensured the security of his flank for an advance southward, he moved against Hasdrubal, whereupon the latter not only fell back in indecent haste, but lest his united army should attract Scipio on to him, he broke it up to form small garrisons for the various walled towns.
Scipio, seeing the enemy thus abandon himself to a passive defensive, decided that there was no object in conducting a series of petty sieges likely to drain his own force without adequate advantage. However, he sent his brother Lucius to storm one town, Orinx, which served Hasdrubal as a strategical pivot from which to make incursions into the inland States. This task Lucius carried out successfully, and Scipio’s nature is again instanced in the record that he commended Lucius with the highest praise, representing the capture of Orinx as equal in importance to his own feat at Cartagena. As winter was by now approaching he dismissed the legions to winter quarters, and sent his brother with Hanno and other distinguished prisoners to Rome.
CHAPTER V.
THE BATTLE OF ILIPA.
IN the spring of 206 B.C. the Carthaginians made their last great effort. Hasdrubal, encouraged by Mago, Hannibal’s brother, raised and armed fresh levies, and with an army of seventy thousand foot, four thousand horse, and thirty-two elephants moved north to Ilipa (or Silpia), which was not far from where Seville stands to-day. Scipio advanced south from Tarraco to meet the Carthaginians, collecting auxiliaries at Bæcula on his way. When he drew near the Bætis and got fuller information of the opposing force, he appreciated the formidable nature of the problem. He felt convinced that with the Roman legions only he would not be a match for so large an enemy army, yet to use a large proportion of allies and rely on their support was to risk the fate of his father and uncle, whose downfall was due to the sudden desertion of their allies. Therefore he decided to use them for the purpose of impressing and misleading the enemy “ by an imposing show,” but leave the main fighting role to his own legions. He had learnt, like Wellington two thousand years later, that it was wiser not to place reliance on the co-operation of his Spanish allies. The French in Morocco have imbibed it afresh. Advancing towards Ilipa with a total force, Romans and allies, of forty-five thousand foot and three thousand horse, he came in sight of the Carthaginians, and encamped on certain low hills opposite them. It deserves notice that his advance was on a line which, in the event of victory, would cut them off from the nearest road to Gades, this road running along the south bank of the Bætis river.
Mago, thinking this a favourable chance for a sudden disorganising blow, took most of his cavalry as well as Masinissa with his Numidian horse, and attacked those engaged in forming the camp. But Scipio, as usual, imbued with the principle of security, had foreseen such a possibility, and had posted his own cavalry ready in concealment under shelter of a hill. These charged the forward part of the Carthaginian horse in flank and threw them into disorder, and though the rear echelons, coming up to reinforce the attack, restored the balance for a time, the issue was settled by the sortie of a large body of legionaries from the Roman camp. At first the Carthaginians fell back in good order; but as the pursuit was vigorously pressed, they broke up and fled to the shelter of their own camp. The result gave Scipio an initial moral advantage.
The two camps lay facing each other across a valley between the two low ridges. For several successive days Hasdrubal led his army out and offered battle. On each occasion Scipio waited until the Carthaginians were moving out before he followed suit. Neither side, however, began the attack, and towards sundown the two armies, weary of standing, retired to their camps—the Carthaginians always first. One cannot doubt, in view of the upshot, that on Scipio’s side the delay had a special motive. On each occasion also the legions were placed in the Roman centre opposite to the Carthaginian and African regulars, with the Spanish allies on the wings of each army. It became common talk in the camps that this order of battle was definite, and Scipio waited until this belief had taken firm hold.
Then he acted. He had observed that the Carthaginians made their daily advance at a late hour, and had himself purposely waited still later, to fix this habit on his opponent’s mind. Late in the evening he sent orders through the camp that the troops should be fed and armed before daylight, and the cavalry have their horses saddled. Then, while it was scarcely yet daylight, he sent on the cavalry and light troops to attack the enemy’s outposts, and himself followed with the legions. This was the first surprise change, and its effect was that the Carthaginians, caught napping by the onset of the Roman cavalry and light troops, had to arm themselves and sally forth without a meal. It further ensured that Hasdrubal would have no time to alter his normal dispositions, even should the idea occur to him. For the second surprise change was that Scipio reversed his former order of battle, and placed the Spanish in his centre and the legions on the wings.
The Roman infantry made no attempt to advance for some hours, the reason for this being Scipio’s desire and design to let his hungry opponents feel the effects of their lost breakfast. There was no risk to his other surprise change by so doing, for once drawn up in order of battle the Carthaginians dared not alter their array in face of a watchful and ready opponent. The skirmishing fight between the opposing cavalry and light troops remained indecisive, each when hard-pressed able to take shelter behind their own infantry. Eventually, when Scipio judged the time ripe, he sounded a retreat, and received his skirmishers back through the intervals between the cohorts, then placing them in reserve behind each wing, the velites behind the heavy infantry and the cavalry behind the velites.
It was about the seventh hour3 when he ordered the line to advance, but the Spanish centre only at a slow pace. On arriving within eight hundred yards of the enemy, Scipio, with the right wing, turned to the right and, wheeling left, made an oblique advance outwards by successive cohorts—in column. He had previously sent a messenger to Silanus and Marcius, commanding the left wing, to manoeuvre similarly. Advancing rapidly, so that the slow moving centre was well refused, the Roman infantry cohorts wheeled successively inwards into line as they neared the enemy, and fell directly on the enemy’s flanks, which but for this manœuvre would have overlapped them. While the heavy infantry thus pressed the enemy’s wings in front, the cavalry and the velites, under orders, wheeled outwards, and sweeping round the enemy’s flanks took them in enfilade. This convergent blow on each wing, sufficiently disruptive because it forced the defenders to face attack from two directions simultaneously, was made more decisive in that it fell on the Spanish irregulars. To add to Hasdrubal’s troubles the cavalry flank attacks drove his elephants, mad with fright, in upon the Carthaginian centre, spreading confusion.
All this time the Carthaginian centre was standing helplessly inactive, unable to help the wings for fear of attack by Scipio’s Spaniards, who threatened it without coming to close quarters. Scipio’s calculation had enabled him to “ fix ” the enemy’s centre with a minimum expenditure of force, and thus to effect the maximum concentration for his decisive double manoeuvre.
Hasdrubal’s wings destroyed, the centre, worn out by hunger and fatigue, fell back, at first in good order, but gradually under relentless pressure they broke up, fleeing to their entrenched camp. A drenching downpour, churning the ground in mud under the soldiers’ feet, gave them a temporary respite, and prevented the Romans storming the camp on their heels. During the night Hasdrubal evacuat
ed his camp, but as Scipio’s strategic advance had placed the Romans across the line of retreat to Gades, he was forced to retire down the western bank towards the Atlantic. Nearly all his Spanish Allies deserted him.
Scipio’s light troops were evidently alive to the duty of maintaining contact with the enemy, for he got word from them as soon as it was light of Hasdrabal’s departure. He at once followed them up, sending the cavalry ahead, and so rapid was the pursuit that, despite being misled by guides in attempting a short cut to get across Hasdrubal’s new line of retreat, the cavalry and velites caught him up. Harassing him continuously, by attacks in flank or in rear, they forced such frequent halts that the legions were able to come up. “ After this it was no longer a fight, but a butchering as of cattle,” till only Hasdrubal and six thousand half-armed men escaped to the neighbouring hills, out of seventy odd thousand who had fought at Ilipa. The Carthaginians hastily fortified a camp on the highest summit, but though its inaccessibility hindered assault, lack of food caused a constant stream of deserters. At last Hasdrubal left his troops by night, and reaching the sea, not far distant, took ship to Gades, and Mago soon followed him.
Scipio thereupon left Silanus with a force to await the inevitable surrender of the camp, and returned to Tarraco.
Military history contains no more classic example of generalship than this battle of Ilipa. Rarely has so complete a victory been gained by a weaker over a stronger force, and this result was due to a perfect application of the principles of surprise and concentration, that is in essence an example for all time. How crude does Frederick’s famed oblique order appear beside Scipio’s double oblique manoeuvre and envelopment, which effected a crushing concentration du fort au faible while the enemy’s centre was surely fixed. Scipio left the enemy no chance for the change of front which cost Frederick so dear at Kolin. Masterly as were his battle tactics, still more remarkable perhaps were the decisiveness and rapidity of their exploitation, which found no parallel in military history until Napoleon came to develop the pursuit as the vital complement of battle, and one of the supreme tests of generalship. To Scipio no cavalry leader could have complained as Maharbal, whether justly or not, to Hannibal, “ You know, indeed, how to win a victory, Hannibal, but you know not how to use one ! ”
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