King William's War

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by Michael G Laramie


  1. Winthrop Papers, MHSC 6th Series, III, 3, 508–510; Cal. A &WI, XIII, 280–281.

  2. Ibid.; DHNY, IV, 193–194; Winthrop Correspondence, MHSC 5th Series, VIII, 308–310. In his July 29th report to the governor and council of Connecticut, Winthrop confided that the situation “.leaves me in great distress about his Majesty’s service and your interest. I find very truly that your designs and those of York have very different intentions and they have led you too cunningly into an association, just to serve their extremity. . . .”

  3. DHNY, IV, 194–195.

  4. Ibid., 194–196, II, 160; Winthrop Correspondence, 318–322; Winthrop Papers, 12–13.

  5. DHNY, II, 160–161.

  6. NY Col. Doc, IX, 478–479; Charlevoix, The History of New France, IV, 142–145; Parkman, Count Frontenac and New France, 265; La Potherie, Historie de l’Amerique Septentrionale, III, 94–95.

  7. NY Col. Doc., IX, 479–480; La Hontan, New Voyages to North America, I, 158–159; Charlevoix, The History of New France, IV, 145–149.

  8. Ibid.; DHNY, II, 161–162. The two sources disagree only on English losses, which Schuyler listed as one Iroquois brave.

  9. Ibid., 162–163; NY Col. Doc., III, 751–754; Cal. A&WI, XIII, 339–341; Winthrop Correspondence, 322–324. A London merchant, James Lloyd, claimed in a letter on the matter that the Iroquois “at once released Winthrop, threating to make a Jesuit of Leisler” (that is scalp him). (Cal. A&WI, XIII, 376.)

  10. Myrand, Sir William Phips Devant Quebec 1690, 111; Additional documents detailing and pertaining to Phips’s siege of Quebec, and the campaign of 1690 in general, can be found in this text.

  CHAPTER 13: THE BATTLES OF LA PRAIRIE

  1. Drake, 68–69. Church, 119–121. Church recorded seven killed and twenty-four wounded in the engagement.

  2. Cal. A&WI, XIII, 368–369. The minister is referring to the attack on Schenectady, NY.

  3. Belknap, 134–135.

  4. John R. Brodhead (ed.), Documents Relative to the Colonial History of the State of New York (Albany: Weed, Parsons & Co., 1853), III, 255, 260. (Hereafter NY Col. Doc.).

  5. “Wadsworth’s Journal,” Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, series 4, #1 (1852), 105–106.

  6. NY Col. Doc., IX, 513. The intendant claimed that of the ten or eleven vessels sent out from France in 1690 only three arrived. (NY Col. Doc., IX, 497).

  7. Ibid.

  8. NY Col. Doc., IX, 516–518; Charlevoix, The History of New France, IV, 193–195; JR, 64, 67–71.

  9. NY Col. Doc., III, 776–780.

  10. Ibid., 778–785, 802.

  11. Ibid., 800–805.

  12. Clement du Vault de Valrenne, Philippe, c. 1644–1707, DCB, Vol. II. Commissioned ensign in the De Pagny Regiment in 1662, lieutenant in 1665, and captain in 1672. He served in various field battalions receiving several wounds in the 23 years before being made a captain of the marines in Canada in 1685. A descendent of the first four field marshals of France, he had a reputation for being a brave soldier, a good officer, and a master of his calling.

  13. NY Col. Doc., IX, 520–521.

  14. Ibid.; Charlevoix, The History of New France, IV, 202–204; La Hontan, New Voyages to North America, I, 173.

  15. NY Col. Doc., III, 803–804, IX, 521; La Potherie, Historie de l’Amerique Septentrionale, III, 138–141.

  16. NY Col. Doc., III, 804.

  17. Ibid., IX, 522.

  18. Ibid., 522–523; La Potherie, Historie de l’Amerique Septentrionale, III, 141–142; NY Col. Doc., III, 804; Charlevoix, The History of New France, IV, 206–208.

  19. NY Col. Doc., III, 804–805, IX, 523

  20. Frontenac to Minister, Oct. 20, 1691 (two letters), MG1-C11A, vol 11, fol. 230–232, 233–247; NY Col. Doc., III, 805.

  CHAPTER 14: A SHIFTING TIDE

  1. Drake, Border Wars of New England, 70–72; Cal. A &WI, XIV, 475–477.

  2. NY Col. Doc., III, 784–789.

  3. Ibid., III, 791–793, 814–816; Cal. A &WI, XIII, 526, 562–563.

  4. NY Col. Doc., IX, 534, III, 815, 817. The French claim to have taken fourteen of the Iroquois prisoners.

  5. Cal. A&WI, XIII, 580–581. NY Col. Doc., III, 815.

  6. Ibid., III, 805–806, 815–816; Colden, History of the Five Nations, II, 125–126.

  7. Cal. A&WI, XIII, 178.

  8. Ibid., XIII, 529–530, 546, 550, 572–575.

  9. Villebon Journal, 32–33.

  10. NY Col. Doc., IX, 505–506.

  11. Ibid., 492–493, 506–507.

  12. Ibid., 404–408, 510–511. No doubt prompted by rumors of French expeditions, in late 1692 the Massachusetts council passed an act entitled, “An Act for Building in Stone or Brick in the town of Boston and Preventing Fire,” which called for all future buildings within the town to be constructed of stone or brick with slate or tile roofs. (Mass. Acts and Resolves, I, 42–43.)

  13. NY Col. Doc., IX, 497–503, 508–510. Matters had become so bad that Intendant Champigny wrote the French court, “I am reduced to the necessity of having the leaden gutters and weights melted in order to be made into bullets.” (Ibid., 503.)

  14. Clowes, History of the Royal Navy, II, 334–344; Guerin, Histoire Maritime de France, III, 451–463.

  CHAPTER 15: DISUNITY AND DISCORD

  1. Lincoln, Narratives of the Indian Wars, 230–231; N.H. Prov. Papers, II, 56; Rawlyk, Nova Scotia’s Massachusetts, 76. Villebon states in his journal that the Abenaki had burned over 60 homes and had taken or killed 187 of York’s inhabitants. (Villebon Journal, 36).

  2. Cal. A&WI, XIII, 627–628, 653; NY Col. Doc., III, 833–835.

  3. Cal. A&WI, XIII, 653, 720.

  4. Ibid., 720–721.

  5. Modern-day Fredericton, New Brunswick.

  6. Williamson, History Of Maine, I, 631–633; Villebon Journal, 36–38; NY Col. Doc., IX, 537.

  7. Villebon Journal, 41–42; Narratives of the Indian Wars, 233–237; Williamson, History Of Maine, I, 632-634. Villebon wrote of the Wabanaki decision that, “It has, so far, been impossible to overcome the superstition that, if they receive such a reverse when they set out on the warpath, they must stop at once, no matter how large the party may be, or how insignificant the action.” (Villebon Journal, 42.)

  8. Church, King Philip’s War, 173–182; Cal. A &WI, XIII, 700, 721. Fear that supporting Fort William Henry might prove difficult was born out in late November 1692 when a twenty-ton supply vessel was captured by a Kennebec war party in sight of the fort. (Villebon Journal, 46).

  9. Ancient Pemaquid, 150–151; Doc. Hist. Maine, X, 47–48. After his examination of the fort Romer concluded that the structure had “been extremely ill built and not defensible . . . there was no order or proportion observed in building it, and its Walls were made of clay mixed with Sand brought from the Seashore instead of Lime.” (Ibid., 47.) Governor Villebon gave another opinion saying of the fort “that within it they are quite safe from the Indians, unless they be taken by surprise.” (Villebon Journal, 67.)

  10. NY Col. Doc., III, 827–833, 840–844.

  11. Ibid., 847–848.

  12. Charlevoix, IV, 219–220; Lahontan, New Voyages to North America, I, 270.

  13. Charlevoix, IV, 219–220; NY Col Doc., IX, 535–536.

  14. NY Col. Doc., IX, 538.

  15. Villebon Journal, 43–44; Collection de Manuscrits . . . Relatifs Nouvelle-France, II, 80–81; Charlevoix, IV, 227–228 NY Col. Doc., IX, 531–532, 538, 544; Lanctot, History of Canada, II, 175. This English vessel appears to be a sloop outfitted in Boston by Phips to keep the fort supplied throughout the winter. Had Iberville been a little earlier he would have encountered two English warships, the HMS Nonsuch and the HMS Conception. (Cal. A&WI, XIV, 24–25.)

  16. La Hontan, New Voyages to North America, I, 273–275; DCB, II, Monbeton de Brouillan, Jacques-Francois.

  17. Charlevoix, IV, 222–226; La Hontan, New Voyages to North America, I, 275–278.

  CHAPTER 16: THE MOHAWK EXPEDITION
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br />   1. NY Col. Doc., IX, 550, 557.

  2. Ibid., 550–551, 558–559.

  3. A Journal of the Late Actions of the French at Canada (1693), 4–7. Note that the English dates are old style. To align them with the French new style dates eleven days have been added.

  4. NY Col. Doc., IX, 551, 559.

  5. A Journal of the Late Actions of the French at Canada, 7–10; NY Col. Doc., IX, 551–552, 559–560; Colden, The History of the Five Nations, 127–133; Frontenac to Minister, Oct. 25, 1693, MG1-C11A, vol.12, fol. 225–238; Governor Fletcher of New York also penned a journal of his actions during this period which can be found in A Journal of the Late Actions of the French at Canada, 1–4.

  6. NY Col. Doc., IX, 552, 560–561.

  CHAPTER 17: MISSED OPPORTUNITIES

  1. Old Times in Saco, 40–41; Doc. Hist. Maine, X, 50.

  2. Cal. A &WI, XIV, xi–xvi, 9–10, 124, 133, 156–157; Ancient Pemaquid, 151–152; Doc. Hist. Maine, X, 7–11; Hutchinson, History of Massachusetts, II, 73–74.

  3. Cal. A &WI, XIV, 13, 31, 39–41; Clowes, History of the British Navy, II, 469–470. Wheler’s fleet consisted of the Resolution (60), Dunkirk (52), Ruby (42), Tiger (42), Advice (42), Chester (42), Dragon (40), Falcon (36), Experiment (32), Mermaid (32), Pembroke (32), Quaker (10), a bomb ship, three fireships, and a pair of merchant ships carrying Godwin’s and Foulk’s regiments. This force also had available on station the Diamond (48), Mordaunt (46), Guernsey (28), and the Henry Prize (24), along with a number of converted merchantmen. (Ibid.) When combined with Governor Codrington’s forces Wheler had some five thousand men under his command.

  4. Clowes, History of the British Navy, II, 469–471; Cal. A &WI, XIV, 87–88, 99–102.

  5. Ibid., XIV, 100–103. Codrington claimed that the fleet caught “an infection or a plague from a merchant ship in harbour at Barbados.” (Ibid., 103.)

  6. Ibid., XIV, 118–119, 165–166. The letter from Whitehall along with several other directives from the crown did not arrive until September 24. (Ibid., 165–166.)

  7. Hutchinson, History of Massachusetts, II, 70–72; Cal. A &WI, XIV, 28, 124, 128–129.

  8. Cal. A&WI, XIV, 133.

  9. Ibid., XIV, 165–166.

  10. NY Col. Doc., IX, 561.

  11. Cal. A&WI, XIV, 714; N.Y. Col. Doc., IX, 530, 553, 561–562.

  12. Eccles, Frontenac, 256–257; N.Y. Col. Doc., IX, 530, 553, 561–562, 565–566.

  13. Charlevoix, IV, 240–241; N.Y. Col. Doc., IX, 567–569.

  14. NY Col. Doc., IV, 33.

  CHAPTER 18: STALEMATE IN THE EAST

  1. NY Col. Doc., IV, 41–43.

  2. Cal. A&WI, XIV, 115, 171–173.

  3. Ibid., 171–172. Fletcher’s letter to the Board of Trade also included a quota plan to provide six hundred men and officers for the annual defense of Albany. The plan seen in the table below is an interesting estimate of the English colonies’ fighting strength as of December 1693.

  4. Villebon Journal, 63–65; Belknap, History of N.H. I, 138–139.

  5. Adventures of Baptiste, 355.

  6. Belknap, History of N.H., I, 139–141; Charlevoix, IV, 256–257; Narratives of the Indian Wars, 252–254; N.H. Prov. Papers, II, 124–129.

  7. Cal. A &WI, XIV, 234–235, 246, 250, 347, 398, 498; Hutchinson, History of Massachusetts, II, 76–79.

  8. For a narrative of the English navy’s disastrous attempt on the French capital in 1711 see Walker, A Full Account of the Late Expedition to Canada.

  9. Drake, Border Wars of New England, 104–105; Hutchinson, History of Massachusetts, II, 83–84; NY Col. Doc., IX, 613–616.

  10. Villebon Journal, 78.

  11. Ancient Pemaquid, 155–157; Drake, Border Wars of New England, 104–107.

  12. NY Col. Doc., IX, 574–576.

  13. Villebon Journal, 75–80, 160–161; NY Col. Doc., IX, 617; “The Adventures of Baptiste,” Proceedings Pocumtuck Memorial Assoc., IV (1905), 342–360.

  14. Collection de Manuscrits . . . Relatifs Nouvelle-France, II, 200; Villebon Journal, 81; Bonaventure after speaking with an English prisoner claimed that the Sorling lost three killed and thirty wounded in the engagement.

  CHAPTER 19: THE PEACE OFFENSIVE

  1. NY Col. Doc., IX, 577–578.

  2. Ibid., IX, 580–582.

  3. NY Col. Doc., IX, 588–590.

  4. Your Fire Shall Burn No More, 72–76; NY Col. Doc., IV, 337–338.

  5. Ibid., IX, 599.

  6. Royal Fort Frontenac, 189–190; Charlevoix, IV, 265–266.

  7. Royal Fort Frontenac, 188; Charlevoix, IV, 266. De Mothe de Cadillac, who was in command at Michilimackinac, claimed that the French would lose all of the tribes if a grand expedition was not launched against the Iroquois. (Charlevoix, IV, 266.)

  8. Royal Fort Frontenac, 188–194. Although there were many critics of Frontenac’s move to reestablish Fort Frontenac, Cadwaller Colden, the author of the History of the Five Nations presented the Iroquois reaction to the reestablishment of Fort Frontenac saying, “the French gained a great Advantage, by possessing this Place, as it is of great Security to their Traders, in their passing between Montreal and Missilimakinak. It served likewise as a Place of Stores, and Retreat in all their Enterprises against the Five Nations.” (Colden, Five Nations, II, 163.)

  9. NY Col. Doc., IX, 618.

  10. Charlevoix, IV, 266–270.

  11. NY Col. Doc., IX, 628–629.

  12. Cal. A&WI, XIV, 361. “It is very unreasonable that the burden of this war should fall wholly on New York, but it cannot be remedied until the provinces are governed by one Assembly and one law,” Fletcher would write in regard to his lack of resources to prosecute the conflict. (Ibid., 403.)

  13. Cal. A&WI, XIV, 315, 335–336, 597. In a letter to the governor of Connecticut Fletcher made clear that the king had appointed him to command the quota troops from the several colonies, amounting to 1,198 men. (Cal. A &WI, XIV, 588.)

  14. NY Col. Doc., IV, 113, 118–119.

  CHAPTER 20: FRONTENAC AND THE ONONDAGA

  1. NY Col. Doc., IX, 590–591, 633–641; Eccles, Frontenac, 260–265; Charlevoix, V, 9–10.

  2. NY Col. Doc., IX, 646; Charlevoix, IV, 269, 277–278. Cadillac wrote of New France’s shaky allies “that we are going to lose them all unless we remedy it, by forming a grand expedition against the Iroquois, and convincing our allies that we really intend to destroy that nation.” (Ibid., 266.)

  3. Eccles, Frontenac, 263–265; NY Col. Doc., IX, 641–642.

  4. NY Col. Doc., IX, 649–650.

  5. Ibid., IX, 649–650; Charlevoix, V, 12–14; RAPQ, 1928–29, 320; Royal Fort Frontenac, 195–196.

  6. Charlevoix, V, 15–16; Papers Relating to Count Frontenac’s Expedition, 329–331.

  7. Eccles, Frontenac, 265–267; NY Col. Doc., IX, 654–656; RAPQ, 1928–29, 320.

  8. Royal Fort Frontenac, 195; NY Col. Doc., IX, 639–640; Colden, Five Nations, II, 167–172.

  9. NY Col. Doc., IV, 160–164.

  10. Ibid., IV, 171–176.

  11. Papers Relating to Count Frontenac’s Expedition, 349–350; NY Col. Doc., IV, 171–176.

  CHAPTER 21: THE FALL OF PEMAQUID

  1. History of King William’s War, 115.

  2. NY Col. Doc., IX, 574–576, 590; Villebon’s Journal, 83–85.

  3. Pierre Le Moyne D’Iberville, DCB, II.

  4. Collection de Manuscrits . . . Relatifs Nouvelle-France, II, 216–218; Father Baudoin’s War, 15; Charlevoix, V, 22–24.

  5. Father Baudoin’s War, 17; Cal. A&WI, XV, 132, 224. An account by Lt. Roger Wright estimated Iberville’s flagship at forty-eight guns and the Profond at forty guns. Wright also claimed that the Sorling did not disengage until after the Newport had surrendered at which point Captain Paxton drove the frigate ashore to prevent it from sinking. (Ibid.)

  6. Father Baudoin’s War, 17–20; N.Y. Col. Doc., IX, 658.

  7. Charlevoix, V, 24–26; Cal. A &WI, XV, 70–71, 142–144.

  8. Cal.
A&WI, XV, 144; Ancient Pemaquid, 157–160. Father Baudoin’s War, 21. Credit Iberville and the other French leaders for preventing a massacre

  9. Charlevoix, V, 27–28; Hutchinson, II, 94; Cal. A &WI, XV, 132.

  10. Church, 138–141.

  11. Church, 141–144; Cal. A &WI, XV, 184. The Great Falls are at Orono, Maine.

  12. Church, 148–150. Church noted that after plundering and burning down the inhabitant’s homes “The French being sensible of the Major’s kindness to them, kiss’d his hand, & were very thankful to him for his favour to them in saving their lives.” (Ibid., 150.)

  13. Church, 151–156; Cal. A &WI, XV, 4, 93, 132.

  14. Villebon’s Journal, 90.

  15. Ibid., 90–92; Hutchinson, II, 98–99. Fort St. Joseph was a four-bastioned wooden palisade structure running almost 115 feet to a side. Also known as Fort Nashwaak or Fort Naxoat the location would be abandoned after King William’s War.

  16. Villebon’s Journal, 92–94; Cal. A &WI, XV, 132, 218.

  17. Ibid., 245–246.

  CHAPTER 22: IBERVILLE

  1. Charlevoix, V, 33–34; One visitor to Placentia noted that “the richest of our settlers was not more comfortably lodged than one is on shipboard.” (Ibid., 34.)

  2. Prowse, History of Newfoundland, 214–216; Pontchartrain to Brouillan, 21 April 1697, Report on Canadian Archives 1889, 94.

  3. Journal de l’expedition D’Iberville, 82–83; Charlevoix, V, 35–37.

  4. Journal de l’expedition D’Iberville, 79–86; Father Baudoin’s War, 34–35; NY Col. Doc., IX, 657–658.

  5. Father Baudoin’s War, 39; Charlevoix, V, 37–39.

  6. Ibid., 39–42.

  7. Cal. A&WI, XV, 305–307; Prowse, History of Newfoundland, 216–217, 230–232.

  8. Father Baudoin’ s War, 50.

  9. Charlevoix, V, 42–47; Father Baudoin’s War, 41–49; Journal de l’expedition D’Iberville, 51–61.

  10. Ibid., 68–69.

  11. Cal. A&WI, XV, 339. The letter called for the king to appoint one of his governors as commander in chief with powers over all of the colonies as the only means of effectively dealing with the French.

  CHAPTER 23: THE WAR AT THE TOP OF THE WORLD

  1. Reed, Iberville, 63. Pontchartrain to Brouillan, Pontchartrain to D’Iberville, Instructions for D’Iberville, 9 March 1697, Report on Canadian Archives 1889, 322. Iberville’s brother Serigny was directed to carry out the operation if he could not locate Iberville before the season, which made any attempt on Fort Nelson impractical. (Minister to Serigny, Ibid.)

 

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