Revitalization occurs in periods of cultural liminality. The trickster constellation manifests during such times, as is clear from Wallace’s descriptions. The disregard of sexual mores, general disruption, and a highly visible role of the supernatural, including the sometimes unconscionably bad advice of the spirits, are all trickster characteristics.
The “increasing incidences of such things as alcoholism”12 indicates destructuring of consciousness.
Recent Examples In The World Today
Revitalization movements are not limited to ancient societies or primitive peoples. The Nation of Islam in the U.S. is an example today. It is not only a religious movement but also a political and social one. Its leaders unashamedly report paranormal experiences. A spiritual being appeared to Malcolm X while he was in jail; Louis Farra-khan reported being taken aboard a flying saucer. (This connection between political activism and the paranormal is seen more generally. A 1992 survey conducted by the Roper Organization discovered that people active in political and social causes are more likely than average to report paranormal experiences. )
Dramatic transformations are not limited to small, marginal groups. The collapse of communism and the dissolution of the former U.S.S.R. in the early 1990s were accompanied by an explosion of interest in the paranormal. There were numerous accounts of macro-PK, spiritual healing, diviners, and new religions, all to the alarm of some high status scientists. In fact Sergei Kapitza, president of the Physical Society of the U.S.S.R., lamented the conditions in an article for Scientific American entitled “Antiscience Trends in the U.S.S.R.” (1991). This burst of popularity of the paranormal was seen throughout Eastern Europe, and the whole region underwent exceptional change. This is a dramatic recent example of the association of anti-structure with the supernatural.
A similar revival of occult interests occurred in the People’s Republic of China after the repressive “Cultural Revolution” and pogroms of Mao. In the mid and late 1970s, there was a revitalization of many aspects of culture; curiosity in psi burgeoned, and many people reported amazing paranormal events.15
The same pattern, though less abrupt, was seen in the U.S. in the 1960s and 1970s. That era was marked by the civil rights movement, the anti-war movement, the sexual revolution, manned space exploration (boundary crossing), the drug culture (emphasizing altered states of consciousness [ASCs]), and the growth of Eastern religions and meditation (more ASCs). This period of anti-structure also saw surging interest in the paranormal. Some of the same people who were involved with the anti-war movement later became active in paranormal and spiritual pursuits. Victor Turner recognized the liminal aspects of this period and specifically discussed the hippies.17 Ernest Hartmann noticed that: “the late 1960s was a period when certain thin-boundary characteristics were valued more highly than they usually are.”
In the last 20 years, one of the most publicized supernatural manifestations in the world was the apparitions of the Blessed Virgin Mary at Medjugorje. Although Marian sightings are by no means uncommon, Medjugorje received extended international attention over a period of years. It was undoubtedly one of the most publicized sightings ever. It is no exaggeration to say that it reached public consciousness on a worldwide scale. I suggest that it is no coincidence that it occurred in then Yugoslavia, foreshadowing some of the most vicious, fractionating (dramatically destructuring) fighting seen in the world at that time.
UFOs and Cultural Stress
Several theorists have commented on UFOs in relation to cultural stress and transformation. Carl Jung discussed “transformations of the collective psyche” on the very first page of the “Introductory” section of Flying Saucers: A Modern Myth of Things Seen in the Skies (1958). Carl Raschke, a religious scholar at the University of Denver wrote an essay: “UFOs: Ultraterrestrial Agents of Cultural Deconstruction” (1981), which succinctly stated his thesis with the title. He specifically cited the trickster in relation to UFOs, and noted that tricksters “perform the service of cognitive deconstruction.”
Martin Kottmeyer is arguably the premier UFO theorist in the U.S. (Though he is exceptionally knowledgeable and has published many articles, he is little known outside a small circle of specialists). In his article “UFO Flaps” (1995-96), he reviewed the political and social conditions during periods that had relatively high levels of reported UFO sightings. He concluded that the reports increased when there is a loss of national pride. For instance, a dramatic increase occurred after Sputnik was launched in 1957, and after anti-U.S. demonstrations in Vietnam in 1966 there was also an upsurge. Kottmeyer also discussed several other instances.
When I read his paper, I was struck by the congruences with my own ideas. Kottmeyer’s concept of “loss of pride” is very close to “loss of status,” a key issue in this book.20 But there is another important facet of his theoretical analysis—paranoia. UFOs are indisputably associated with paranoia, and I will discuss that in the chapter on . 21 paranoia.
The data make it easy to dismiss UFO reports as only psychological aberrations of individuals or groups under stress. But such explanations are too simplistic because psychological problems do not account for the well-documented physical aspects. Even skeptics of ufology seem to agree that with the Watergate scandal, 1973 was a time of national shame, and they admit that year also had an elevated level of UFO reports. October of 1973 saw the Coyne helicopter case in Ohio22 and the Eddie Doyle Webb case in Missouri,23 both are impressive, evidential cases with physical effects. Another loss of international status occurred with the Iran hostage crisis. Near its end, in December 1980, the Cash-Landrum case occurred in Texas. Three victims received severe radiation burns, and mysterious helicopters were seen by a number of witnesses. There is no reason to think that the mental states of the victims and witnesses can explain the phenomena. These cases cannot be dismissed as fictional myths, and the skeptics largely ignore them.
Summary
Transitions occur in all societies, from those of thousands of years ago to our own. Whether dramatic and full blown, or relatively mild and limited, cultural change and revitalization are complex processes, but they have commonalities. Aspects of liminality and anti-structure are seen in them. There is often a loss of faith in the established order. Those on the margins are likely to be the first to suffer from the problems of incipient change. Their protests can induce the establishment to try to further marginalize and discredit them. As a crisis progresses, corruption and deceit in the establishment leads to further distrust. Individuals abandon their old ways of doing things and look for new ones. Those under stress may drastically alter their lifestyles and accept a change in status. In the terminology of Anthony Wallace, mazeways are demolished and reconstructed. Of particular interest for this book is the fact that the paranormal and supernatural become prominent during times of transition. Charismatic leaders may arise who demonstrate paranormal powers, attracting followers, and challenging the legitimacy of the establishment.
Whether within individuals, small tribes, or large cultures, the same pattern is found. Wallace’s work on cultural revitalization substantially parallels van Gennep’s work on rites of passage and Turner’s explication of liminality. Disruption, loss of status, transition, deception, disregard of moral boundaries, and a prominent role for the supernatural are typical aspects of cultural change, and they are also all part of the trickster constellation.
Any comprehensive theory of the paranormal must explain its role in cultural transitions.
Part 4
Overview
This Part presents concrete, modern examples of the more abstract, theoretical ideas presented in earlier sections. The cases include: phony psychics, UFOs, magic tricks, hypnosis, fiction of the supernatural, modern-day witchcraft, government disinformation, the organization of parapsychology, and more. At first glance these subjects don’t seem related; they are in wildly different categories. But they all involve the paranormal, and they are illuminated by the trickster, liminality, an
d anti-structure.
Deception is pervasively associated with all branches of the paranormal, including UFOs, Bigfoot, and laboratory parapsychology. Thus the trickster assumes particular importance here.
Deception is highlighted in the first two chapters, and in the very last two. The first chapter reviews prominent psychics who have been caught in trickery. The second chapter discusses magic tricks, magicians, and their subculture. Magicians’ connection with the paranormal is far more complex than most people assume, and additionally, magicians have many liminal aspects. The next to the last chapter discusses government disinformation, and the final one covers hoaxes. Both are significant problems in the UFO field. They play a major part in shaping ufology, and the public’s perception of it.
One chapter is devoted to CSICOP and the debunkers. They are a force within academe and are aggressive agents for the rationalization and disenchantment of the world (in Weber’s senses). Their activities, beliefs, and institutions have striking contrasts with those of paranormal practitioners found in Spiritualism, modern-day witchcraft, and the New Age movement.
This Part is particularly concerned with institutions and how the paranormal is or is not accommodated by them, particularly those of government, industry, and academe. The term anti-structure is an important clue vis-à-vis the paranormal, and it is especially relevant to the paranormal’s relationship to institutions.
Briefly, strong manifestations of the paranormal are found in small groups; rarely are large organizations involved. Groups that achieve strong psychic functioning are marked by instability, and they resist institutionalizing. This pattern is seen in Spiritualism, modern-day witchcraft, and psychical research.
Large institutions do not neglect the supernatural. In fact there are sizeable industries devoted to it, but they portray it as fiction in books, movies, and television. Fictionalizing subtly discourages serious consideration of the paranormal.
CHAPTER 10
Prominent “Psychics”
In the last 150 years, the most widely known “psychics” have been as ambiguous as they were prominent, and some are still the subject of debate, despite being dead for over a century. As it happens, allegations of trickery follow nearly all of them, and a summary is presented in Table 3. The general public associates psychic phenomena with all these people, even those who were professional magicians (e.g., Davenport brothers, Kreskin, Dunninger). It is difficult to assess whether most of these characters had genuine abilities, but that is not a primary concern here. Rather, it is their substantial influence on the public’s perception of the paranormal that is of interest. They accentuate the ambiguity surrounding the paranormal. Questions arise not only about their psychic powers but also regarding their sexual orientations, sources of money, and marital statuses.
These are fascinating and colorful individuals, and book-length biographies have been written about them all. Many have undeniable charisma. They inspired devoted, unquestioning followers, and equally fanatic antagonists. Ironically, their enemies have sometimes been their most effective publicists, and the debunkers have often done the most to keep the psychics’ names alive.
Parapsychologists have an ambivalent relationship with these characters, and in most cases they generally shun them because of their bizarre beliefs, odd behaviors, and sometimes cult-like followings. Yet these individuals have had an impact on scientific research. Because of the massive publicity they received, along with the allegations of fraud, serious psychical research was tainted by association. Similar figures will continue to emerge; they will continue to play salient roles in shaping belief and skepticism regarding the paranormal. As such, we
need to understand them; they merit study regardless whether or not they ever produced convincing evidence of psi.
Performer
Reference with Report of Trickery
Fox Sisters *
Self-admitted,
Earl Wesley Fornell (1964)
Davenport Brothers #*
John Nevil Maskelyne (1910)
Daniel Dunglas Home *
F. Merrifield (1903)
Count Perovsky-Petrovo-Solovovo (1912, 1930)
Helena Petrovna
Report of the Committee (1885)
Blavatsky *
Vsevolod Sergyeevich Solovyoff (1892)
Eusapia Palladino *
Self-admitted, Hereward Carrington (1909)
Margery #*
William McDougall (1925 & 1926/1967)
Arthur Ford
William V. Rauscher with Allen Spraggett (1975)
Allen Spraggett with William V. Rauscher (1973)
Joseph Dunninger #*
David Price (1985)
Kreskin *
David Marks & Richard Kammann (1980)
don Juan Matus
Richard de Mille (1976, 1980)
Uri Geller #*
Self-admitted, Uri Geller (1975)
Sathya Sai Baba
Venu K. Kodimela (1992)
Table 3 Prominent “Psychics” and Allegations of Their Trickery
# Listed in The Encyclopedia of Magic and Magicians by T. A. Waters (1988).
* Listed in Who’s Who in Magic by Bart Whaley (1990).
The Fox sisters became prominent in 1848, when odd sounds were heard in the home of Mr. and Mrs. John Fox in Hydesville, New York. Their daughters, Kate and Margaret, then 12 and 13 years old,
discovered rapping sounds that gave messages from what purported to
2
be a deceased person. Visitors soon flocked to the farmhouse, and newspapers put the sisters on the front page; even Horace Greeley became involved. In short order, the spiritualist movement spread through the U.S. to Europe and beyond. The new religion gathered millions of followers, from all strata of society, and the Fox sisters became the most celebrated of mediums. However, near the end of their careers, during a period of alcoholism, Margaret claimed that as a young girl she had produced the raps by cracking her toe knuckles. She later retracted the confession, but whatever the truth of her statements, the sisters are forever tainted by charges of fraud.
Spiritualism has several trickster elements, its frequent association with deception being only one. Mediums, per their name, mediate between this world and the next, and it is no accident that trickster gods also often serve in that capacity. Spiritualism has other trickster and anti-structural properties, and later chapters will address them in more detail.
In 1855 Ira Erastus Davenport (1839-1877) and William Henry Harrison Davenport (1841-1911), two brothers from Buffalo, New York, began performing spiritualistic effects professionally on stage. They would enter a cabinet similar to a wardrobe, and their hands and feet were bound. After the lights were put out, instruments played within the cabinet, ghostly hands appeared outside of it, and sometimes the Davenports seemed to float over the heads of their audiences. Their personal lives were turbulent. William married a number of times (once secretly to Adah Isaacs Menken, a love-goddess of that era), and he had a severe problem with alcohol.3
There is little doubt that the brothers engaged in trickery, but their true beliefs about spiritualism are still puzzling. Joe Nickell, a CSICOP investigator, examined a scrapbook of the brothers, and from his analysis it is plausible to think that Ira Davenport actually believed in spiritualism. The brothers generated enormous publicity, entertained royalty, and biographies were written proclaiming their miraculous powers. Many others followed their lead, and conjurors quickly stirred up controversy and capitalized on it.
John Henry Anderson and Henri Robin, two prominent magicians, exposed the Davenports’ act in their own performances. John Nevil Maskelyne and Samri Baldwin began their careers doing exposés, later becoming eminent magicians themselves. Maskelyne went on to father a magical dynasty, and Samri Baldwin did handcuff escapes decades before Houdini. Early in his career, Harry Kellar traveled with the Davenports and went on to become the most famous magician of his era in the U.S. Thus the Davenports,
who presented themselves as spiritualists, had an extraordinary, if unintended, effect on conjuring. Despite the magician detractors, or perhaps partly because of them, the Davenports were the most successful performing stage mediums of their day.5 They publicized spiritualism but also contributed to its ambiguity; people were left wondering: were the manifestations real or fake?
Daniel Dunglas Home (1833-1886) is called the medium who was never caught in fraud. The reports of his phenomena are amazing, and Eric Dingwall succinctly summarized Home’s life as “the problem of miracles in its most acute form.” Home elongated his body, levitated both himself and large tables, and materialized spirit hands. He could hold red-hot coals in his bare hands without any ill effect and even passed them to others, conferring his immunity on them. Sir William Crookes, the eminent British physicist who invented the Crookes tube and discovered the element thallium, investigated and endorsed him. Home attracted the attention of royalty throughout Europe and gave séances for Czar Alexander II, Napolean III, and Queen Sophia of Holland. He did not charge money for his séances, but he did accept gifts, some of which were lavish. Elizabeth Barrett Browning was much taken with him, but her husband Robert believed Home to be a fraud and wrote a poem about him: “Mr. Sludge, ‘The Medium’.” There were many ambiguities in his personal life, and Dingwall suggests that Home likely had some homosexual tendencies, but rarely, if ever, expressed them. It is true that absolute proof of trickery was never obtained against Home; however, there were several serious detailed allegations (see Table 3). Even today debunkers persist in trying to discredit him.7
The Trickster and the Paranormal Page 13
