While they managed a measure of cordiality, Meyers and Sherwood instinctively disliked each other. To Justus, Meyers was a poor-spirited apolitical Yorker. To Meyers, Justus was a despicable rioter who had persecuted his fellow tenant farmers and refused to let them live in peace on acreages they had received from their landlords. Despite Clossen's remark that Meyers was gentle, Justus resolved to handle him with great care. If he were roused he was one man Justus could not defeat in a fair fight.
Meyers had been discreet and after he left Fort St. Johns Caleb Clossen told Justus why the German had been sent to Quebec City. His intelligence conflicted with the message he carried from Sir Henry Clinton, and Brigadier Powell was worried over the discrepency. Clinton warned Haldimand to expect an attack on Quebec City from the Connecticut Valley, a fairly direct route. Both Meyers and Clossen had seen thirty-five Onondaga prisoners in Albany, captured when the rebels had sent 500 men to destroy the Onondaga settlement to the west of the Mohawk Valley.
Another message Meyers had carried from Clinton informed Haldimand that the rebels planned to attack Fort Detroit, and would make a feint up the Susquehanna Valley to distract the attention of John Butler at Niagara from the real target. Meyers was convinced that the rebels were about to move up the Susquehanna in force, to destroy the Iroquois Confederacy and capture Fort Niagara, and that Clinton had been duped. Apart from some of the Oneidas and Tuscaroras, most of the Six Nations had sided with Britain, although the Onondagas, the first to be struck, had been trying to stay neutral. Justus sent his cousin Thomas Sherwood to find out what the true situation was. His wife Anna was having a baby in May, and anxious to keep in touch with her, Thomas was only too pleased to be asked to go after intelligence.
On May 16, Haldimand announced that all the men who had been with Burgoyne would be regarded as one corps under the command of Daniel McAlpin, who would hold a provisional rank of major of provincials. Captains would receive nine shillings a day, lower wages than they had received under Burgoyne. Justus' pay was reduced, but he did not mind. Brigadier Powell was allowing him extra for the time he spent in rebel territory, which made up the difference.5 Hitherto, Sir John Johnson had been responsible for the small units, and he had asked the governor to make other arrangements for these troops. Haldimand had more faith in McAlpin than in the other leaders, because he was a half-pay officer from the 60th Regiment, of which His Excellency was the colonel-in-chief.6
By the middle of August, John Walden Meyers had returned to Fort St. Johns, with orders from Haldimand to wait there until he had dispatches for Sir Henry Clinton. Throughout the summer Justus had ample opportunity to observe the hostile scout. Haldimand did not send any dispatches for months, and the hefty German-speaking man was livid.7 In the interval many reports on developments near Fort Niagara reached Justus.
The feint up the Susquehanna Valley to distract John Butler was a massive attack on the Iroquois Indians by a rebel expedition more than 5,000 strong that was moving towards Fort Niagara. Butler was begging for reinforcements, but Haldimand felt helpless. His supply ships had not arrived by the beginning of August, and until they did, Haldimand felt he could do little to help the Indians.8
Early in September, Justus discovered that Haldimand was discouraging recruiting for all but Sir John Johnson's King's Royal Regiment of New York and Brigadier Allan Maclean's Royal Highland Emigrants. The governor claimed that he was having difficulty procuring men to complete these two corps, and he feared that agents trying to complete other regiments might interfere with Johnson's and Maclean's efforts. This was a blow to Justus' hopes and a source of frustration as he worked at Fort St. Johns. Between June 25 and August 24, 337 men had arrived to join provincial corps, of which 61 were for the Queen's Loyal Rangers.9 After Haldimand's new orders, Justus might never get enough men for a signed commission.
Finally the supply fleet arrived, and on September 13 Haldimand ordered Sir John Johnson to leave Montreal for Niagara, and the loyalist from the Mohawk Valley set out with 201 men.10 Haldimand dispatched 90 Royal Highland Emigrants to strengthen the garrison at Niagara while Butler's and Johnson's corps were in the field against the rebels. It was too little, too late. The rebel expedition had wrought havoc, but Fort Niagara was saved because the rebels ran short of provisions and turned back.
At Fort St. Johns, Justus had a clear picture of the situation near Fort Niagara, and had had some discussions with John Walden Meyers, still stranded because Haldimand had failed to send dispatches. As Meyers' frustrations mounted, so did his willingness to talk. Haldimand's restrictions on recruiting made no sense at all. He should have sent every available man to aid Butler and the Indians. The fact that the governor sent only men from the two regiments he was trying to complete was not lost on Justus, and he smoldered as the weeks went by. Why had the governor ignored Meyers' warning? If Haldimand was so callous over the fate of his Indian allies, could loyalists expect more consideration?
On October 6, Brigadier Powell wrote to remind Haldimand that Meyers was still waiting for dispatches, and soon afterward a packet arrived for the sturdy man to take to New York City.11 A few days later Thomas Sherwood arrived from Fort Edward with his wife Anna, children Reuben and Anna, and a new son, Adiel, born on May 16, 1779. Unlike other loyalists, Thomas' family did not come with only what they could carry and the clothes on their backs. He set out by wagon with a load of household goods for Skenesborough. From there he arranged for a bateau to carry the family and possessions to Fort St. Johns.12 Anna and the children stayed with Sarah. Thomas was employed mainly on scouting missions; if his family went to the main refugee encampment at Machiche he would be very lonely.
Justus was delighted with Reuben, who had just turned eleven. Stalwart and self-reliant, this young cousin would be an ideal protector for Samuel, now five years old and nearly ready to trade petticoats for small clothes and attend school. Classes were held at the barracks by the Reverend George Gilmore, a chaplain to the regulars. The parents paid 48 pounds to the Anglican clergyman, and Haldimand allowed him some subsidy, as he did Josiah Cass, the schoolmaster at Machiche.13
The weather grew cold, the ground snow covered, and the work of interrogating prisoners and refugees nearly came to a halt. Once again Justus could relax and restore his vitality. While Thomas was building an addition to the house so that the two families would have sufficient room, Justus had time to get better acquainted with his children. Diana was three, Levius two, but there must not be any more, not until he knew what the future held. In the house, surrounded by his family, Justus could almost believe that they were back in New Haven, the disruption in their lives merely a bad dream, and Thomas and Anna had come only for a visit. Someday, somehow, they would have a home and a good piece of land. He prayed it would be in Vermont, with the magnificent view of the mountains, amidst scenery that could inspire poetry in the most prosaic of men.
Inside on a winter night that order of banishment ceased to bother him. The temporary commission seemed less important. A few sips of rum to dim reality, and Justus could believe that some day the people of Vermont would welcome him back. Meanwhile, miles away, other men were conspiring to send him home, to a bizarre reception.
The intrigue that eventually sent a banished Yankee captain to Vermont — a pigeon among the cats — began at Sir Henry Clinton's headquarters in New York City. As the year 1780 opened, Colonel Beverley Robinson, of the Loyal American Regiment, who handled some of Clinton's secret correspondence, suggested making an overture to Ethan Allan, now a general in Vermont's army. On March 30, with the approbation of the colonial secretary, Lord George Germain, and Clinton, Robinson wrote a letter to Ethan.14 It was forwarded to Albany, to be sent on to Vermont by Dr. George Smyth, the reliable resident agent, code name Hudibras.15 Robinson said he was aware that Ethan was not in sympathy with the rebels' desire to separate from Great Britain, and proposed through correspondence or visits by trusted emissaries, that they discuss the benefits of Vermont's reunion with the mo
ther country.
Robinson was well aware that Ethan and Ira Allen and Governor Thomas Chittenden were conspiring to ensure Vermont's continued independence from New York. The Continental Congress had refused to admit Vermont as the fourteenth state, because that might upset relations with France. The French had made their alliance with thirteen states, and turned balky when the Congress suggested extending it to include a fourteenth, one that bordered on Canada, which the British might easily occupy.
British propaganda had been successful. The rebels in the northern states were convinced that Haldimand had 10,000 crack regulars standing by to invade Vermont at any moment — which was exactly what the Swiss professional wanted them to believe. In fact, Haldimand had less than 5,000 British regulars, which included the Royal Highland Emigrants, recently put on the British establishment as the 84th Foot. In addition, he had 2,000 Germans, some 1,500 provincials, and 17,500 Canadian militia. In the latter two groups he placed scant confidence. A neutral state on Canada's border would be a blessing.16
With the security of Canada in mind, as well as the future of British North America, Robinson had written on March 30 to Ethan. For Vermont, Robinson's suggestion had two advantages. It would rid the Green Mountain people of domination by New York and make it difficult for the Congress to use coercion — because of the danger of tangling with Haldimand's mythical army — and ensure that the same mythical army did not descend from Canada and put an end to the rebellion in Vermont. That Haldimand lacked the troops was irrelevant. The threat was what counted.
Early in April, Ethan was accosted in Arlington's only street by a man dressed as a farmer, who shoved a letter into his hand. Ethan glanced at it, sent the messenger away, and hurried to the home of Governor Thomas Chittenden.17 Later, Ethan claimed that he did not receive this letter until July. He did not reply, and Haldimand sent a letter to Sir John Johnson, asking his opinion of Dr. George Smyth, who had been responsible for delivering the message to Allen. The doctor worked in the rebels' military hospital in Albany and might be a double agent. Sir John assured Haldimand that Smyth could be trusted and had already suffered greatly for the cause.18
In July, after much furtive shuffling, the Vermont leaders wrote to the Continental Congress in Philadelphia, pointing out that the republic had never waged war against Britain, nor joined the Congress by confederation. (They overlooked the Battle of Bennington, almost three years before, when Seth Warner's regiment and the militia had taken part.) The letter was written by Ethan for the illiterate Chittenden, its meaning deliberately opaque — part veiled threat, part a declaration that Vermont was at peace with Britain. If the Congress would not admit Vermont, she was free to make her own terms with the mother country.
Justus had some inkling that these machinations were taking place. One of his sources was a half-Indian scout named Corporal David Crowfoot, whom he described to Captain Robert Mathews, the governor's secretary, as ‘a man of no great penetration but sincerely honest and true’.19 Frequently near Arlington in search of intelligence, Crowfoot returned with the story about Ethan receiving a letter from the mysterious stranger. Although the big mountain chieftain denied it, several people had noticed, and no one believed him.
Meanwhile, anxious as he was for news from Vermont, Justus was occupied with his usual duties. Joseph Bettys came in with twelve prisoners, the most impressive tally to date by any scout. With two Canadians and 58 Indians, Bettys had captured a rebel patrol near Skenesborough, and marched the captives to Fort St. Johns. Brigadier Powell sent them to Montreal, where they were placed in a house under guard. Two of the rebels removed a window grating, lowered themselves on blankets to the ground and escaped, but the others would be used in a prisoner exchange.20
Also, to Justus' satisfaction, Haldimand lifted the restrictions on recruiting. Johnson's and Maclean's battalions were close to full strength, and a general order from Quebec City announced that the officers of all provincial corps would have permanent rank in the army, as well as half-pay when their corps were reduced.21 Now Justus had real incentives for completing his company, and several refugees who reached Fort St. Johns agreed to serve with him.
In the Mohawk Valley, Butler's Rangers and the King's Royal Regiment of New York were laying waste to all the frontier settlements, burning crops, driving off livestock, forcing the farmers to seek shelter in Schenectady and Albany. In fact, they were winning the war in the north and the rebels were utterly demoralized. On July 13 Haldimand gave Sir John Johnson permission to raise a second battalion.
Another encouraging sign was the arrival at Fort St. Johns of James Rogers, the major of a new corps called the King's Rangers. Almost at once this news turned sour. The lieutenant-colonel of the corps was James' brother, Robert Rogers of Seven Years' War fame, who had received his warrant to raise the regiment from Sir Henry Clinton in New York City. The King's Rangers belonged to the Central Department, and from Quebec City Governor Haldimand ordered James to return to New York City. James had hoped to get recruits along Canada's frontiers, but Haldimand wanted all such recruits for his own regiments.22
Late in July Major Daniel McAlpin died, and Haldimand placed all the below strength units again under the command of Sir John Johnson. Sherwood's company was at Sorel with Lieutenant Dulmage, and he learned that all was well with his men when Captain Jeremiah French, now recovered from his long confinement at the hands of the rebels, visited Fort St. Johns.
As the summer passed, the juggling continued in Vermont. Brigadier Powell sent Justus a note enquiring how much he knew about Ethan Allen. Justus replied that he was well acquainted with Mr. Allen, and with most of the leaders in Vermont. He was certain they would accept any proposal rather than give up their lands to New Yorkers, adding:
I should be extremely happy to be in some Measure instrumental in bringing deluded people to their right senses and the allegiance they owe their Sovereign which I think may be done by buying their leaders.23
He was being cynical, but the thickness of their pocketbooks was of great significance to the plotters in the Green Mountains.
Late in August, to Justus' surprise, his brother Samuel arrived at Fort St. Johns, accompanied by his wife Eunice, year-old-daughter Rachel, and a slave.24 Samuel had decided to leave when he found that the rebels were suspicious of him. He agreed to join Justus' company as a volunteer, hoping to bring in enough recruits to qualify for a commission. He would remain at the fort as one of his brother's scouts, making himself useful in a number of ways. Eunice and Rachel stayed in the house with Sarah and Anna, for like Thomas, Samuel wanted to see more of them than would be possible if they went to Machiche with the other refugee families.25
Justus soon felt the effect of the scurrying in Vermont. Loyalists were arriving from there, and he learned that Governor Chittenden was issuing passports to all who wished to join the King's troops in Canada. Many of the families brought slaves, for Vermont's sincerity over abolishing bondage was one more example of Green Mountain bluff.
Among these loyalists came Captain Samuel Wright, who had been captured at the Battle of Bennington. Wright was released to carry a letter from Governor Chittenden to Governor Haldimand. As the paroled officer was setting out for Quebec City, Justus could hardly contain himself. Chittenden must be proposing that Vermont rejoin the British Empire. Why else would the governor of the republic want to communicate with the governor of Canada?
Chapter 9
With Fife and Drum
On August 24, from Fort St. Johns, Justus sent a message to a friend in Vermont named Hawkins, telling him he thought reunion with Britain could be effected because the people in the republic were disenchanted with the Continental Congress.1 Late in September, Samuel Sherwood, who had been scouting for his brother, returned and reported that Hawkins had been arrested and spirited to Albany before the message reached him.2 The imprisonment of Hawkins forewarned Justus that some people were opposed to the plotters in Bennington and Arlington. Reunion would not be effected wit
hout overcoming some obstacles. The inhabitants on the east and west sides of the Green Mountains were not united.
Those on the west side were mainly Connecticut-born, and Baptist or Anglican. To the east were more Congregationalists and a few pockets of New Yorkers. The Congregationalists wanted to continue the rebellion, and the Yorkers wanted no quarrel with their own kind. The instigators of the plot for reunion were nearly all on the west side — Chittenden, Ethan and Ira Allen, the Fays, the Brownson brothers of Sunderland, and Samuel and Moses Robinson. The latter, a judge, was the only ringleader who lived on the east side. The clique planning to open negotiations with Haldimand had to keep their intent a secret from many people in Vermont.
Nevertheless, as the autumn progressed Justus was feeling optimistic. If the plot succeeded he could go home when hostilities ended. Then, too, Benedict Arnold had reached New York City after his unsuccessful attempt to hand over the fort at West Point to the British. In the southern colonies, from all accounts, a large British expeditionary force was doing well, clearing more and more territory of rebels. Not only that, Haldimand had authorized Major Christopher Carleton to lead an expedition of provincials and regulars 800 strong to destroy outposts along the west side of Lake Champlain, on New York territory. The men assembled at Fort St. Johns on September 27, and the following day the expedition set out, accompanied by 100 Indians. As the men were leaving, Justus was disappointed that Carleton had not asked for him to join as a scout.3
He soon learned why he had been passed over. Early in October, he received a summons to wait upon Brigadier Powell, and their very private meeting left him elated, if a trifle apprehensive. The letter from Governor Chittenden, which Captain Samuel Wright had carried from Skenesborough to Quebec City, did propose a truce between Vermont and Great Britain. Some months before, in anticipation of such a proposal, Haldimand had written to Lord George Germain, the secretary of state for the colonies, for instructions. Towards the end of September, by order of Germain, Haldimand accepted Chittenden's offer, and agreed to talks under a flag of truce. While these talks, disguised as prisoner exchanges, were taking place, Chittenden promised that Vermont would be neutral.
Buckskin Pimpernel Page 11
