The snow, he reported, was very deep and light. A man on snowshoes sank to his knees, and walking outdoors was nearly impossible. Once several parties were out, Justus made a journey to Montreal to purchase equipment he needed for his post. On his return he declared to Mathews that the rumours of a British surrender at Yorktown were merely a ‘Whiggish plot’.3 He soon had cause to eat those words. Scouts came in with reports of a troop build up at Albany, cannon stock-piled at Hartford, Connecticut, and a supply of uniforms at Poughkeepsie, on the lower Hudson River.
The intelligence Justus now sought was whether Washington would decide to attack Canada, turn his attention to the garrison at New York City, or coerce Vermont. However, French troops were wintering in Albany, a matter certain to alarm Haldimand. Justus urged his scouts to bring in firm information on where Washington would strike next. By February morale at the Loyal Blockhouse sagged, and a much fatigued Dr. Smyth returned to Fort St. Johns. Justus himself was exhausted and on the 7th he told Mathews:
As most of my men expect to have little else but secret service to do, and I am not allow'd any rum to give them on fatigue, nor horses to draw provisions, I have no other way to keep up their spirits but to promise them pay for the wood and to work with them like a burly fellow, which I do every day from morning to night till I am thoroughly weary4
A source of dissatisfaction for Justus was the garrulity of certain scouts. At the end of January, Ensign Roger Stevens, King's Rangers, had arrived from Arlington with five prisoners. One, Joseph Randall, from Claremont, professed to be a loyalist, and Justus allowed him to remain at the blockhouse, working with the garrison, until Haldimand decided whether he would be an acceptable resident agent. Justus sent Stevens to Quebec City with a packet, and on February 14, Mathews complained that this courier was very indiscreet. The news of his presence and the content of his packet was known all over the city.5 Writing to Dr. Smyth, still at Fort St. Johns, Justus admitted:
It is easy to trace the source of this unpardonable conduct – Messengers arrive, and the inquisitive and impertinent flock around them for news. They sit down together to pass the evening, and over their glasses make the Business they have been upon the topic of conversation – From there they retire to their Homes and renew the subject with their wives & families – By the first post or express, it is conveyed all over the Country, no matter whether by Friends or Enemies, the effect is the Same.6
The fireplaces in the blockhouse devoured wood, and each day Justus detailed four men to cut three quarters of a cord each, to be measured by a sergeant and reported to the officer of the day. Officers' servants were required to help with the cutting, loading and unloading of wood and supplies from sleighs, or from boats when the lake was open. In fact, only occasionally did an officer have a servant, but Justus thought the item read well when he posted his instructions to the garrison. He wished he had someone to care for him, but Simon Bothum needed the two slaves still in New Haven, Sarah the help of Caesar Congo.
Serving in his company was Private John Jacobs, whose country of origin was listed as Africa, to Justus more diplomatic than calling him a negro, as other officers did when preparing their muster rolls.7 One method of obtaining recruits popular with certain agents was luring slaves to desert their owners with the promise of their freedom once the rebellion had been crushed. Some officers used black men as servants, but Justus respected Private Jacobs' wish to be a soldier.
The danger of fire was a constant worry, and Justus posted this order:
As it appears that the fires of the different rooms frequently roll onto the floor to the great danger of the garrison, a corporal of the guard will inspect the fires of the Block House & the old and new Bake rooms at 11 o'clock every evening; at one o'clock & five o'clock every morning.8
The cooking rooms were in a separate building to reduce the risk of setting the blockhouse afire.
Breaches of discipline were rare among the members of the garrison, for they knew they were working for an officer whom the governor held in high regard. Justus coped with minor offenses with a good scolding, a few threats, or occasionally the back of his hand, never a formal hearing followed by a flogging at the sergeants' halberts. That was for regulars, many of whom had been pressed into the service in the taverns of England.
Money was a headache for Justus, who had to send his accounts to the Château St. Louis and have them approved before he could draw public funds. Haldimand perused all the items, criticising many expenditures. In consequence, Justus' men's pay tended to be in arrears, and he was chronically short of supplies. His agents expected two shillings and sixpence a day when on missions, but Haldimand felt that this was excessive. Mathews informed him that His Excellency was displeased at ‘the vast expense you have incurred on that service by paying such high wages to persons regularly subsisted and provisioned by Government.’9 When Justus suggested the men accept less, they refused to go out, and he could not blame them. They were risking their lives, and he supplemented what Haldimand allowed from his own slender purse.
The account book he kept was a mixture of public and private expenditures. Some bills he paid with government funds, others from his own wages. Some items were payments to scouts for their expenses while in rebel territory, others for clothing such as overalls, shirts or materials — coating, binding, thread, buttons and lining. As the spring advanced, the Loyal Blockhouse was becoming the focus of a small community, and a few cabins mushroomed around the post. The residents were refugees, eager to earn a few shillings to avoid accepting government handouts, which pleased Haldimand, who wanted all who were able-bodied to support themselves. Some of the items in Justus' account book were payments to women for washing, cooking and sewing.
Meanwhile, many parties of scouts were out on snowshoes. Joseph Bettys, accompanied by Jonathan Miller and John Parker, had left the blockhouse. Bettys was to go to New York City with a dispatch for Sir Henry Clinton, the others to stay around Albany gathering information on what the French were doing. David Crowfoot had left for Arlington to visit Elnathan Merwin to find out what he knew of Washington's plans for Canada, and with dispatches for Ethan Allen. Then Justus heard that John Walden Meyers was at Pointe au Fer on a mission to Albany but temporarily halted because one of his party had fallen ill and he was awaiting a replacement. Justus sent a courier to order Meyers stopped. He had not reported at the Loyal Blockhouse. Next Justus wrote to Mathews, enquiring why Meyers had not obeyed his orders.
Mathews communicated Sherwood's displeasure to Dr. Smyth at Fort St. Johns, who replied that he thought he was responsible for scouts going into New York, while Justus was in charge of those going into Vermont or parts of New England.10 Hudibras was being mischievous, asserting his right to send scouts out on his own initiative, when he knew which man was the deputy. He promised Justus that in future he would have all scouts he dispatched report to the blockhouse. The air cleared, Justus ordered Meyers to proceed. His mission was a worthy one, for Smyth's network of spies around Albany was in ruins. Many of his informers were in prison or had fled to Canada, and Meyers was going in search of new resident agents.
Late in March, Justus received permission from Mathews to allow Joseph Randall, who had been brought to the blockhouse as a prisoner by Roger Stevens, to return home as a resident agent. Mathews suggested that Justus let Randall escape, since a parole might make his neighbours suspicious. Randall had been staying in a hut in the woods, helping to cut wood. The man Justus sent to find Randall reported that he had already complied with Mathews' order:
a-hunting with Joseph White from Coos he had taken the first opportunity to run away. Randel left his fuzee & ammunition at the hut and only took a pr. of Snowshoes, Hatchet, and two days provision of the King's property with him, but the manner of going away fully contradicts his pretended Loyalty. A Whining designing Yankee Scoundrel like too many others.11
Early in April, a scout brought word that Joseph Bettys and John Parker had been captured and were lying
in the basement of the Town Hall in Albany, where prisoners were confined because the gaol was full. Jonathan Miller, who had been travelling with them, escaped and was making for the Loyal Blockhouse.12 Justus sent an express courier to Quebec City to report to Mathews. From Fort St. Johns, Dr. Smyth wrote that he was certain Bettys would be hanged because the rebels had found his dispatch. Mathews ordered Justus to have Bettys and Parker exchanged.
Ensign Bettys of the King's Rangers was entitled to be treated as a prisoner of war, and Justus was to promise that Haldimand would retaliate if the rebels executed the two agents. ‘The war,’ Mathews wrote, ‘has not furnished a single instance where a Prisoner has suffered Death in this Province.’13 Justus sent a scout speeding towards Albany, offering to exchange any men the rebels wanted for Bettys and Parker. His efforts were in vain, and his two agents mounted the scaffold before a jeering crowd. A pall of gloom descended over the Loyal Blockhouse. Bettys was a scamp, but a lovable one whose daring the others much admired.
The circumstances of Bettys' capture were typical of the man. He stopped to visit a friend near Ballstown, and while they were seated at dinner, Joe's rifle over his arm, three men broke down the door. Bettys had not bothered to remove the deerskin cover that protected the firelock from damp and the rifle was useless, but he had presence of mind enough to ask for permission to smoke. As Joe leaned over the hearth to light a taper, his captors noticed something drop into the flames. They retrieved a small, thin metal box which contained a paper with a message in cypher and an order for the courier to receive a sum of money when he delivered it.14 Joe begged them to let him burn the paper, and offered his captors one hundred guineas, but they refused. The combination of carelessness and wit was characteristic of Bettys; the tiny box was typical of Justus' efforts to make his packets easy to conceal. The metal box was Joe's undoing, for it preserved the message which otherwise would have been burnt before the rebels could rescue it.
That spring of 1782, Seth Sherwood returned to Fort Edward on parole, despite Dr. Smyth's objections. Justus never mentioned escorting his rebel uncle to Skenesborough, but often he simply recorded the numbers being returned. In Seth's case, his nephew's own embarrassment was sufficient reason for avoiding any reference to him. Another man sent home was Colonel Thomas Johnson, to Newbury in eastern Vermont, as a resident agent.
As the trees were turning green, Justus received more assurances that Vermont would soon declare for reunion. He tried to believe them, but he feared that the Congress might in time be persuaded to admit Vermont as the fourteenth state. In spite of all his patience, was he destined to be a lifelong exile from the pretty land he loved? The spring of 1782 was a very low point in Justus' life, yet bitterness did not surface in his writings.
The British could pack up and sail away when they had had enough, abandoning the loyalists. On March 20 an election in Britain toppled Lord North's Conservative Ministry and brought in a flock of doves under Lord Rockingham, seeking peace at any price. Because Cornwallis had failed at Yorktown, the mother country was ready to quit, and Justus' own people would be the losers. Whatever the future held, he no longer had much cause for optimism.
Chapter 14
Undercover Activities—1782
In some theatres the war had ground almost to a halt, a circumstance that had no bearing on Justus' duties at the Loyal Blockhouse. The secret service, the negotiations with Vermont, and prisoner exchanges kept him as busy as ever, while his work with refugees became heavier. As the spring approached, rumours that Britain would soon start peace talks circulated throughout the rebelling colonies. Many loyalists who had remained in their homes, praying that the mother country would succeed, now despaired and set out for Canada, New York City or Florida. Some in the northerly parts of the colonies looked towards the outpost on North Hero Island. If loyalists could reach the Loyal Blockhouse, with its buckskin-clad commander, or find one of his scouts to guide them, they would be safe.
Amidst the heartbreak of the incoming refugees, Justus and Hudibras were cheered by the arrival of Terence Smyth. Late in February, Young Hudibras broke out of Albany gaol and succeeded in reaching Bennington, where the Fays cared for him until he recovered from his confinement. On March 26 Terence was spirited away to meet one of Sherwood's scouting parties,1 carrying an anonymous letter from Ethan, part of which read:
Jealousy rages high about us in the United States. The turning point is whether Vermont confederates with Congress or not which I presume will not be done. Heaven forbid it.
The Vermont conspirators allowed Terence to leave, and at the time no one suggested that Justus send a rebel prisoner in exchange. Justus made a mental note that such a gesture would be a help, especially if he chose someone Messrs. Herrick and Safford wanted returned.
The next event that distracted Justus from the suffering refugees was the return of Lieutenant Mathew Howard, and Corporal Andrew Temple and Private William Slone, the last two of the 34th Regiment. All had been captured on August 6, 1781, after they had kidnapped John Bleecker of Hoosic. Following careful negotiations, Sherwood and Smyth had persuaded the Vermonters to exchange them.2 Howard reported that without the knowledge of Governor Chittenden, supporters of Congress threatened to hang him if he did not reveal the strength of the royal army in Canada. Three times a halter was placed round his neck, and once he was lifted off the ground.3 Justus knew that young Howard deserved a court martial for not destroying the written instructions as ordered, which led to John Walden Meyers' failure to kidnap General Schuyler. But Howard had suffered greatly for his carelessness, and with characteristic bluster, Justus threatened to flay him alive, then sent him to Major Edward Jessup to do duty with the regiment. Justus could not afford to have a man who was unreliable in his service.
Meanwhile, he was worrying about David Crowfoot, missing since February. On May 19, Crowfoot reached the Loyal Blockhouse and reported that after visiting Ethan Allen he had been captured by local rebels. In advance, the scout destroyed his dispatches. Towards the end of April he made good his escape, and paid another clandestine visit to Ethan, who gave him a verbal report for Sherwood.4 Ethan and Ira Allen had treated Crowfoot well, but Ethan warned him:
For God's sake, for his own and their safety to take care of himself, for the mob were watching every night before he came away, and offered him every assistance he should require in money, provisions, or anything else in his power.
At Arlington, Crowfoot visited Elnathan — Plain Truth — Merwin, who gave him a letter addressed to Dr. Smyth, in which he assured Hudibras that the Vermonters were trustworthy ‘unless the devil is wrapped up in their skins’.7
Many refugees brought messages from the Allens, Fays and Chittenden — Ethan's very vague and confusing. Chittenden appeared to be holding his own against determined opposition led by Colonels Samuel Herrick and Samuel Safford. These two were fomenting mob violence against neutrality and any scheme for reunion. Nevertheless, Chittenden was offering sanctuary to loyalists, and suggesting they settle close to the border of Canada, where Haldimand might be enticed into offering them — and incidently Vermont — protection should Washington come to the aid of Herrick and Safford. An impatient Hudibras suggested that the Vermonters might be persuaded ‘by the sword’.6 Now that Terence was safe, Dr. Smyth felt more aggressive, but his relationship with Justus did not improve.
Major Mathews assured Justus that Smyth was indeed his deputy, but suggested that he be less touchy. Justus made a practice of forwarding all his reports to Smyth at Fort St. Johns before sending them to the Château St. Louis, to ‘avoid uneasiness’.7 On June 11 Mathews scolded Smyth for jealousy, and for sending out agents without consulting Sherwood, hoping to make the two loyalists work in harmony. Justus was trying hard but Hudibras remained cantankerous.
At that time Haldimand was in Montreal on a tour of inspection, which made communication with him faster, and Justus had much to report. Daily he received conflicting information from agents and refugees. Some mes
sengers from Vermont and New York told him that loyalists should go home. All would be forgiven. Others maintained that anyone who stayed home or attempted to return was a blockhead.
Among the outcasts came Joseph Bettys' wife, Abigail, and her children, left destitute when her husband was executed in Albany. Justus greeted Abigail warmly, ordering John Dulmage to fetch milk for the children. Tactfully, Justus avoided any mention of Joe's infidelity as he poured her a glass of elderberry wine and praised her husband's bravery. On June 17, Mathews informed Joe's commanding officer, Major James Rogers, that Widow ‘Baty’ could receive his pay until the 24th, and afterward a pension of 20 pounds per annum. Later, Haldimand agreed that provision be made for Bettys’ children and that his widow receive ‘a subaltern's proportion of Land…for the support of her Family’.8
The Baron von Riedesel ordered Justus to strengthen his command, now that his blockhouse was on the front line of the defence of Canada, and Haldimand ordered reinforcements to Isle aux Noix. Some Loyal Rangers were there, and at Pointe au Fer, among them John Walden Meyers, now a brother officer, for Haldimand had approved a captaincy for him under Major Jessup. Dr. Smyth had stopped proposing Meyers for missions, which pleased Justus. He did not fancy giving orders to the hefty German peasant, now that they were equals. Edward Jessup sent Justus enough men from his company to raise his garrison to fifty-one effectives.
The men were ploughing and planting, and in addition to some cows, Justus acquired horses and smaller livestock. In an answer to a request from Ethan Allen, Justus sent a party to destroy gun carriages at Fort Ticonderoga. The British and loyalists had sunk the guns in the autumn of 1777, but some Vermonters had resurrected them. Allen suspected the perpetrators of the salvage operation were supporters of Herrick and Safford, who wanted the guns to aid Washington if he marched north.9
Throughout the early summer Justus had up to forty-seven men out gathering intelligence and assisting refugees. Some were distributing copies of the Antigua Gazette which reported on British Admiral Rodney's victory over French Admiral DeGrasse in the West Indies, news that would put new hope into the hearts of the loyalists. With so many men out he was short-handed for routine chores around the blockhouse. He sent a request to Isle aux Noix for sawyers and tools, where Major John Nairne, who had transferred from the Royal Highland Emigrants to the 53rd Regiment, was the commandant. Major Dundas had been posted to Fort Niagara. Instead of complying, Nairne ordered Justus to send ten men to work as wood cutters at Fort St. Johns, and from fifteen to twenty to Sorel, where the Baron von Riedesel needed more help.
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