From the time I took office as Chancellor of the Exchequer, I began to learn that the State held, in the face of the Bank and the City, an essentially false position as to finance. The Government itself was not to be a substantive power, but was to leave the Money Power supreme and unquestioned. (William Gladstone, 1852, quoted in Tragedy and Hope, Carroll Quigley)
In fact, irredeemable public debt had already accrued in most European economies, largely due to the loans necessary to maintain large standing armies and the theoretical “balance of power.” (Governments were induced to assume debt by squandering public money on armaments, in order to match their neighbours by whom they were not threatened, unless of course a “false flag” incident were created.)They were thus heavily armed but almost bankrupt:
The finances of Europe are so involved that the governments may ask whether war, with all its terrible chances, is not preferable to the maintenance of such a precarious and costly peace. If the military preparations of Europe do not end in war, they may well end in the bankruptcy of the States. Or, if such follies lead neither to war nor to ruin, then they assuredly point to industrial and economic revolution. (Quarterly Journal of Economics, 1887)
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The Rothschild leeches have for years hung on with distended suckers to the body politic of Europe. This family of infamous usurers, the foundation of whose fortunes was laid deep in the mire of cheating and scoundrels, has spread itself out over Europe like a network. It is a gigantic conspiracy, manifold and comprehensive. There is a Rothschild — a devoted member of the family — in every capital of Europe. Vienna, St Petersburg, Paris, London, Berlin, and each and all garrisoned and held for family purposes by members of this gang. This blood-sucking crew has been the cause of untold mischief and misery in Europe during the present century, and has piled up its prodigious wealth chiefly through fomenting wars between States which never ought to have quarreled. Whenever there is trouble in Europe, wherever rumours of war circulate and menʹs minds are distraught with fear of change and calamity, you may be sure that a hooked-nosed Rothschild is at his games somewhere near the region of the disturbances. (The Labour Leader, socialist newspaper, December 19, 1891)
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I don’t know whether all governments already realize what an international menace your World House constitutes. Without you no wars can be waged, and if peace is to be concluded, people are all the more dependent on you. For the year 1895 the military expenses of the five Great Powers have been estimated at four billion francs, and their actual peacetime military strength at 2,800,000 men. And these military forces, which are unparalleled in history, you command financially, regardless of the conflicting desires of the nations! Who has given you the right to do this? What universal human ideal are you serving? And who are you, anyway? A handful of bankers, now more than ever “Schutzjuden” (Jews protected from expulsion by letter of protection acquired from the state by payment) who are occasionally invited to court--with what repugnance you can imagine, if you are not shown it. For you are nowhere given full rights or even regarded as regular citizens. And you who are in a position to tighten the belts of almost three million soldiers, you and your cash-boxes have to be anxiously guarded everywhere, from the people who, to be sure, do not know everything yet. And your accursed wealth is still growing. Everywhere it increases more rapidly than the national wealth of the countries in which you reside. Therefore this increase takes place only at the expense of the national prosperity... (The Complete Diaries of Theodore Herzl, 1960, pp. 163/164)
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From 1887 to 1914, this precarious system of heavily armed but bankrupt European nations endured, while the United States continued to be a debtor nation, borrowing money from abroad, but making few loans, because we did not have a central bank or “mobilisation of credit.” The system of national loans developed by the Rothschilds served to finance European struggles during the nineteenth century, because they were spread out over Rothschild branches in several countries. By 1900, it was obvious that the European countries could not afford a major war. ...The Federal Reserve System began operations in 1914, forcing the American people to lend the Allies twenty-five billion dollars which was not repaid, although considerable interest was paid to New York bankers. The American people were driven to make war on the German people, with whom we had no conceivable political or economic quarrel. Moreover, the United States comprised the largest nation in the world composed of Germans; almost half of its citizens were of German descent...During 1915 and 1916, Wilson kept faith with the bankers who had purchased the White House for him, by continuing to make loans to the Allies. On March 5, 1917, Walter Hines Page (U.S. Ambassador to Britain) sent a confidential letter to Wilson. “I think that the pressure of this approaching crisis has gone beyond the ability of the Morgan Financial Agency for the British and French Governments...The greatest help we could give the Allies would be a credit. Unless we go to war with Germany, our Government, of course, cannot make such a direct grant of credit.”
The Rothschilds were wary of Germany’s ability to continue in the war, despite the financial chaos caused by their agents, the Warburgs, who were financing the Kaiser, and Paul Warburg’s brother, Max, who, as head of the German Secret Service, authorized Lenin’s train to pass through the lines and (Lenin) to execute the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia. According to Under Secretary of the Navy, Franklin D. Roosevelt, America’s heavy industry had been preparing for war for a year. Both the Army and the Navy had been purchasing war supplies in large amounts since early in 1916.
Cordell Hull (Secretary of State under Roosevelt, 1933-1944) remarks in his Memoirs: “The conflict forced the further development of the income-tax principle. Aiming, as it did, at the one great untaxed source of revenue, the income-tax law had been enacted in the nick of time to meet the demands of war. And the conflict also assisted the putting into effect of the Federal Reserve System, likewise in the nick of time.” (Cordell Hull, Memoirs, Macmillan, 1948, p.76, quoted by Eustace Mullins, The Secrets of the Federal Reserve, pp. 82/83/84)
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The bankers had been waiting since 1887 for the United States to enact a central bank plan so that they could finance a European war among the nations whom they had already bankrupted with armament and “defence” programs. The most demanding function of the central bank mechanism is war finance. (ibid p. 84) war ... in economic terms is the direct equivalent of a nation throwing a part of its capital into the water. (Karl Marx, Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Collected Works, Vol. 28, International Publishers, New York, 1987, p. 66.)
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Col. House wrote to President Wilson from London on May 29, 1914, “Whenever England consents, France and Russia will close in on Germany and Austria.” (Intimate Papers of Colonel House, Houghton Mifflin, 1926)
Historians usually answer the question of how the First World War started by pointing the inquirer towards the reputedly causative events in Sarajevo in June, 1914, and their consequences, as though these had been inevitable: the assassination of the Austrian Archduke, the demand by Austria-Hungary to Serbia for an official apology and a trial of the accused; Serbia’s recalcitrance over a couple of points, backed by its traditional ally, Russia. The Balkans were in any case a wasps’ nest of interrelated conflicts and ambitions. Then came Austria’s ultimatum to Serbia; Austria’s declaration of war against Serbia; Germany’s alignment with Austria; Germany’s declaration of war against Russia; Britain’s declaration of war against Germany. This is only a gloss of the full story.
It was revealed during the trial of Gavrilo Princip and Nedelko Cabrinovic, the assassins of Franz Ferdinand (the heir to the Austrian throne), that the French Masonic Organisation Grand Orient was behind the assassination plans, and not the Serbian Nationalist Organisation The Black Hand.
This enormous provocation had been planned in Paris in 1912 at 16 Rue Cadets, the headquarters of Grand Orient. Nedelko Cabrinovic revealed in Court how the freemasons had sentenced Franz Ferdina
nd to death. He learned this from the freemason Ziganovic (it was he who gave the Jewish assassin Princip a Browning pistol). Princip was also a freemason. The sentence (i.e. the assassination of the Austrian Archduke Franz Ferdinand in Sarajevo) was executed on the 28th of June 1914.
Everything according to the stenographic report of the Court published in Alfred Mousset’s book L’Attentat de Sarajevo, Paris, 1930. (Jüri Lina, Under the Sign of the Scorpion)
A persuasive account of the chain of guilt may be contained in the following:
...the German historian Uebersberger released the photocopy of a document in Pasic’s hand, in which the latter lists the armament of the conspirators of Sarajevo and the name of the person responsible for its transport: Major Tankosic , “a member of Black Hand who trained both Gavrilo Princip (1894-1918) and other Young Bosnia Organization members in military skills” (International Encyclopedia of the First World War). Now this person responsible for the transport of the weapons to Sarajevo, Tankosic, was an intimate agent of Prime Minister Pasic. And it was the handwriting of Pasic himself which, according to the German historian, had listed the weapons which the murderers had on them. After one has noted all these documents, one can explain perfectly to oneself why Prime Minister Pasic took flight to Salonika with such speed on July 24 1914, when Austria demanded to take part in the investigation into those responsible for the double murder in Sarajevo! (Verschwörung der Kriegstreiber 1914, [Conspiracy of Warmongers 1914] Léon Degrelle, p. ٢٥٤)
It has taken 100 years for a balanced, if incomplete, report of the conditions which preceded the First World War to emerge:
In focusing the minds of his colleagues on Germany as the alleged instigator of the current crisis, Sazonov (Russian Foreign Minister) revealed the extent to which he had internalized the logic of the Franco-Russian Alliance, according to which Germany, not Austria, was the “principal adversary.” That this was an Austrian rather than a German crisis made no difference, since Austria was deemed to be the stalking horse for a malevolent German policy whose ultimate objectives – beyond the acquisition of “hegemony in the Near East” remained unclear (Christopher Clark, The Sleepwalkers, 2012, pp. 475/476).
Russia had escalated the crisis by a partial mobilisation on July 24: “Sazonov believed from the outset that an Austrian military action against Serbia must trigger a Russian counter-attack” (ibid p. 480). “The French general staff is favourable to war. The general staff desires war, because in its view the moment is favourable and the time has come to make an end of it.” (Belgian minister, ibid p. 482). “Sazonov had explicitly advised Belgrade not to accept a British offer of mediation.” (ibid p. 483) “The Russian general mobilisation was one of the most momentous decisions of the July crisis. This was the first of the general mobilisations.” (ibid p. 509) Sir Edward Grey (Foreign Minister) “had no way of knowing whether or when the cabinet would support his pro-intervention policy.” (ibid p. 535) “Whereas Wilhelm and Bethmann wished to seize the opportunity to avoid war in the west, Moltke took the view that, once set in motion, the general mobilization could not be halted. ..The German “Chief of the General Staff (von Moltke) confided, close to tears,” that he was a totally broken man, because this decision by the Kaiser demonstrated to him that the Kaiser still hoped for peace.” (ibid p. 531)
Yet “It clearly unnerved him (Edward Grey), at least at this juncture, that a remote quarrel in south-eastern Europe could be accepted as the trigger for a continental war, even though none of the three Entente powers was under direct attack or threat of attack.” (ibid p. 537)
He failed to secure cabinet support for intervention on 27 July. He failed again two days later, when his request for a formal promise of assistance to France was supported by only four of his colleagues (Asquith, Haldane, Churchill and Crewe). (ibid p. 539)
On 29 July, the cabinet had agreed to Churchill’s request as First Lord for a precautionary mobilization of the fleet...On 1 August, without securing the agreement of cabinet (but with the prime minister’s implicit approval) Churchill mobilized his fleet. (ibid p. 541)
The First Sea Lord Winston Churchill was cheered by the thought of the impending struggle. “Everything tends towards catastrophe, & collapse,” he wrote to his wife on 28 July. “I am interested, geared up and happy.” (ibid p. 552)
Churchill’s role as initiator of the British engagement in the conflict of 1914 foreshadowed his role in that of 1940. He was a warmonger even then, with or without the encouragement of Jewish money.
The cabinet minister Herbert Samuel (“the first nominally practising Jew to serve as a Cabinet minister and to become the leader of a major British political party” –Wikipedia) helped to frame the discussion by drawing up ...two formulae identifying, firstly, a German bombardment of the French coast and secondly, a “substantial violation” of Belgian neutrality as potential triggers for a British armed response. Part of the appeal of these two proposals lay in the fact that they were designed to ensure that it was “an action of Germany’s and not ours” which could “cause the failure.” Grey stated at the morning meeting of 2 August with great emotion that Britain had a moral obligation to support France in the coming conflict... (ibid p. 543)
Any moral obligation towards the British soldiers who were going to be killed and maimed did not apparently outweigh this moral obligation to a foreign country. Besides, Grey could not have been ignorant of France’s more or less official machinations in favour of war.
If one man may be held accountable for instigating the First World War it is French Prime Minister Raymond Poincaré, an inveterate Germanophobe who thirsted for revenge for France’s defeat by Germany in 1870 and its loss of Alsace. (In 1913, Poincaré underwent a secret civil marriage to his wife, Henriette Benucci, an older and barren divorcée of infamous reputation (“Sulfureuse” according to the press—Wikipedia), daughter of Italian coachman Raphael Benucci and Louis Mossbauer. A curious liaison for a head of state.) In collusion with Russian Ambassador to France Iswolski, Russian Foreign Minister Sasonow and Russian Minister for War Suchomlinow, and through France’s financing of Russia (also used to influence French media), they were able to overcome the Tsar’s natural reluctance to go to war. “By the beginning of 1891, the Russians had received six major loans from French sources, a total of something over 3 billion francs.” These sources were Rothschilds and Hoskier-Paribas. (George F. Kennan, The Fateful Alliance, France, Russia, and the Coming of the First World War, 1984)
Russia mobilized secretly on July 29 (mobilization already proposed on July 24, according to cables of that date); France at 15.45 on August 1; Germany at 17.30 on August 1, 1914. “Why should the Germans not have mobilized when all French conscripts had been called to arms an hour and a half earlier? To arms against whom, if not against the Germans?” (Verschwörung der Kriegstreiber 1914, opus cit.)
During the famous Christmas truce of 1914, near enough to the beginning of the Great War for the individual soldier to remember his humanity and the absurdity of killing a fellow-creature just because he wore another uniform, the opposing sides temporarily overlooked their indoctrinated duty to murder each other and, instead, sang carols and exchanged small gifts. No amount of disgusting atrocity propaganda against Germans could alter basic human reciprocity. “The Germans seemed much more ready than we were to live and let live” (Robert Graves, Goodbye to All That, 1929)
These expendable servicemen were ignorant perhaps of the greater issues, but infinitely more worthy representatives of their race, the human race, than the subhumans who sent them to die for no pressing reason at all.
In his painstaking analysis of historical circumstances leading up to the outbreak of the First World War, including a lengthy digression on Serbian personalities extending unnecessarily back to the early 1880s, Christopher Clark amazingly disregards entirely any and all financial factors that –quite apart from the severe anti-German prejudices of some French and Russians, the seemingly irresolute or impenetrable English, and
the somnambulism of the Germans--actually determined the ability of the major participants to wage war:
German War Credit. Bill for £250,000,000. Berlin, Tuesday (August 4, 1914). A bill was presented in the Reichstag to-day authorising the Imperial Chancellor to raise a credit of five milliards of marks (about two hundred and fifty millions sterling) to meet non-recurring extraordinary expenditure. It is provided that the bonds and treasury notes issued and any coupons attached thereto, may, in whole or in part, by made payable at home or abroad, and in home or foreign currencies. (Reuter)
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When the whistle blew for the start of the Great War in August 1914 the Bank of England possessed only nine millions sterling of a gold reserve (equivalent to £754 million in 2013 - Wikipedia), and, as the Bank of England was the Bankers’ Bank, this sum constituted the effective reserve of all the other Banking Institutions in Great Britain.
The bank managers at the outbreak of War were seriously afraid that the depositing public, in a panic, would demand the return of their money. And, inasmuch as the deposits and savings left in the hands of the bankers by the depositing public had very largely been sunk by the bankers in enterprises which, at the best, could not repay the borrowed capital quickly, and which in several and large-scale instances were likely to be submerged altogether in the stress of war and in the collapse of great areas of international trade, it followed that if there were a widespread panicky run upon the banks, the banks would be unable to pay and the whole credit system would collapse, to the ruin of millions of people.
Private enterprise banking thus being on the verge of collapse, the Government (Mr. Lloyd George at the time was Chancellor of the Exchequer) hurriedly declared a moratorium, i.e. it authorized the banks not to pay out (which in any event the banks could not do), and it extended the August Bank Holiday for another three days (...to allow time for the passing of the Currency and Bank Notes Act, by which Britain left the gold standard. Under this Act the Treasury issued £300 million --Equivalent to £25.1 billion in 2013 of paper banknotes, without the backing of gold, with which the banks could repay their obligations) (Wikipedia). During these three or four days when the banks and stock exchanges were closed, the bankers held anxious negotiation with the Chancellor of the Exchequer. And one of them has placed upon record the fact that “he (Mr. George) did everything that we asked him to do.” When the banks reopened, the public discovered that, instead of getting their money back in gold, they were paid in a new legal tender of Treasury notes (the £1 notes in black and the 10s. notes in red colours). This new currency had been issued by the State, was backed by the credit of the State, and was issued to the banks to prevent the banks from utter collapse. The public cheerfully accepted the new notes; and nobody talked about inflation.
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