6. CWB 4:367.
7. Much tertiary writing about New France variously asserts that the office of intendant was “created during the 1630s by Cardinal Richelieu,” or that “the first intendant of New France was Jean Talon, appointed in 1665.” Both these statements are mistaken. Intendants were well established in France before Richelieu, and the first intendant for New France was Jean-Jacques Dolu, in 1620. Cf. W. B. Munro, “The Office of Intendant in New France: A Study in French Colonial Policy,” AHR 12 (1906), 15–38.
8. CWB 4:369; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:265–67, with citations to commissions and articles in the Bibliothèque nationale.
9. CWB 4:369–70.
10. CWB 4:370.
11. Louis XIII to Champlain, May 7, 1620, signed by both the king and Brûlart, May 7, 1620; text in CWB 4:370–71.
12. On Isabelle Terrier see Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:242, 262, 267, 483n, 492–95. For Champlain’s manservant see his reference to the “Frenchman who had been my servant,” a young man who was sent to live among the Indians upriver, and died there. CWB 5:123.
13. Chrestien Le Clercq, Premier établissement de la foy dans la Nouvelle-France, 2 vols. (Paris, 1691), 1:162; Gabriel Sagard, Histoire du Canada et voyages que les Frères Mineurs recollects y ont faicts pour la conversion des infidèles depuis l’an 1615 (first edition Paris, 1636; reprint ed., Tross 1866), 1:68; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:267; CWB 5:1–3, 11.
14. CWB 5:1–3.
15. For Champlain’s departure and arrival in New France, see CWB 5:2; I see no reason to correct Champlain’s explicit date of departure from May to June, as Biggar does. Champlain wrote elsewhere that the king wrote him a letter dated May 7, 1620, “on my departure.” CWB 4:370. For the ship, see Charles Bréard and Paul Bréard, Documents relatifs à la Marine Normande et ses armements aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles pour le Canada, l’Afrique, les Antilles, le Brésil et les Indes (Rouen, 1889), 130.
16. CWB 5:5–7.
17. John A. Dickinson, “Champlain, Administrator,” in Raymonde Litalien and Denis Vaugeois, eds., Champlain: The Birth of French America (Montreal, 2004), 211; for the soldiers see CWB 5:11.
18. CWB 5:7.
19. Ibid. 5:5.
20. Ibid. 5:8.
21. “La meffiance est la mère de seureté.” CWB 5:90–91.
22. “Il faut porter sa considération plus avant.” CWB 5:8.
23. CWB 5:8.
24. Ibid. 5:111.
25. Ibid. 5:3.
26. Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:267.
27. Francis Parkman, Pioneers of France in the New World (1865, revised edition with corrections, 1885; rpt. Boston, 1901), 431; Extraits des Chroniques de l’Ordre des Ursulines, Journal de Québec, 10 March 1855.
28. Chroniques de l’Ordre des Ursulines, quoted in N.-E. Dionne, Champlain: Founder of Quebec, Father of New France (Toronto, 1962), 2:395–403, appendix I; Morris Bishop, Champlain: The Life of Fortitude (New York, 1948, 1963), 282; Samuel E. Morison, Samuel de Champlain: Father of New France (New York, 1972), 179; Dominique Deslandres, “Samuel de Champlain and Religion,” in Litalien and Vaugeois, Champlain, 198.
29. Litalien and Vaugeois, Champlain, 198; Nicole Fyfe-Martel, Hélène de Champlain, 2 vols. (Quebec, 2003) 1:11–12.
30. CWB 4:368.
31. He increased Champlain’s salary to 200 Crowns. See CWB 4:368; 5:6, 7, 11, 13, 15, 37, 39, 84; 6:35a; appendix I, 5:399; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:274, 277, 283, 288, 290, 301. Much information about Dolu appears in Robert Le Blant and René Beaudry, Nouveaux documents sur Champlain et son époque (1560–1662) (Ottawa, 1967) 1:407, 415, 417, 423, 426, 427, 430, 432, 444, 464. For monetary values, see appendix O below.
32. CWB 5:9–10.
33. Ibid. 1:10.
34. Ibid. 5:127.
35. Dickinson, “Champlain, Administrator,” 215.
36. CWB 5:123, 126.
37. Ibid. 5:116, 127, 131–34.
38. Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:280–81.
39. Ibid. 2:281. See also Sagard, Histoire du Canada 1:845–89; Le Clercq 1:176; in attendance were Champlain himself, commissioner Baptiste Guers, the Récollet fathers, Louis Hébert, Gilbert Courseron, Eustache Boullé, Olivier Le Tardif, and others. The company’s officers, including Champlain’s old friend Pont-Gravé and Captain Raymond de Ralde, did not attend.
40. Lanctot, Canada, 1:117–19; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:280–83. For the members of the assembly see Sagard, Histoire du Canada 1:84–89; Le Clercq, Premier établissement 1:176.
41. CWB 5:55.
42. Ibid. 5:56.
43. Dickinson, “Champlain, Administrator,” 212.
44. CWB 5:15–16, 39.
45. Ibid. 5:86.
46. Ibid. 5:207.
47. Charles Lalement to Jérôme Lalement, Aug. 1, 1626, Jesuit Relations, ed. Reuben Gold Thwaites (Cleveland, 1896–1901) 4:210; Jean-Paul de Lagrave, La liberté d’expression en Nouvelle-France (1608–1760) (Montreal, 1975).
48. CWB 5:108, 5:100–01, 108; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:481, 465–85 passim.
49. CWB 5:12, 124–25.
50. Ibid. 5:125.
51. Ibid. 5:98.
52. Ibid. 5:61; Bruce Trigger, Natives and Newcomers: Canada’s “Heroic Age” Reconsidered (Montreal, 1985, 1994), is mistaken on this point.
53. Others knew him as Mahigan Aticq Ouche. See CWB 5:60–71, 73–80, 82, 215–45, 257, 412; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France, 2:358n, 360n, 370; Sagard, Histoire du Canada, 3:623.
54. CWB 5:73, 75–80.
55. Ibid. 5:80.
56. Ibid. 5: 117, 130.
57. Ibid. 5:118.
58. Ibid. 5:131.
59. Ibid. 5:133. Others believe that there was a formal agreement for a general peace with all the Iroquois, and a solemn ceremony in 1624. The source is Le Clercq, Premier établissment de la foy 1:286. Le Clercq was writing on the basis of conversations in New France fifty years later. He also asserted that the Iroquois in thirty canoes launched a major assault on Quebec in 1622 and were beaten off. He said that he had heard this story from Guillemette Hébert many years after the fact. No other source confirms the attack or a formal peace treaty. Champlain made no mention of it, nor did Sagard or the Jesuits. Trudel wrote, correctly in my judgment, that Le Clercq’s informant “may well have confused or exaggerated the facts; the silence of Champlain and of Sagard appears to us much more convincing.” Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:369; Bruce Trigger, “The Mohawk-Mahican War (1624–28): The Establishment of a Pattern,” CHR 52 (1971), 276–86, is in error.
60. CWB 5:103.
61. Ibid. 5:23.
62. Ibid. 5:91–92.
63. Ibid. 5:110–12.
64. Ibid. 5:113–15.
65. Ibid. 5:110, 112.
66. Ibid. 5:113, 119–20.
67. This stone was found long afterward, but was lost to a fire in 1854.
68. CWB 5:120, 116; Marcel Trudel, “Champlain,” DCB.
69. CWB 5:134.
70. Ibid. 5:136.
71. Ibid. 5:136–37.
72. Ibid. 5:137; Sagard, Histoire du Canada, 38–39.
73. CWB 5:137–38.
18. THE CARDINAL’S RING
1. Commission to Monsieur de Champlain, 1625; text reproduced in Henry Percival Biggar, ed., The Works of Samuel de Champlain, 6 vols. and a portfolio of maps and drawings (CWB), (Toronto, 1922–36, reprinted 1971) 5:143.
2. Gabriel Sagard, Histoire du Canada et voyages que les Frères Mineurs recollects y ont faicts pour la conversion des infidèles depuis l’an 1615 (Paris, 1636; reprinted by the Librarie Tross in four vols., Paris, 1866) 4:830.
3. Joe C. W. Armstrong, Champlain (Toronto, 1987), 213.
4. CWB 5:138.
5. For a discussion, see Victor-L. Tapié, France in the Age of Louis XIII and Richelieu (1952, tr. C. M. Lockie, Cambridge, 1974, 1988), 129.
6. Michel Carmona, La France de Ri
chelieu (Paris, 1984), chap. 9, “Richelieu et les femmes,” 331–36; Tapié, France in the Age of Louis XIII, 135, 119, 137, 232, 286, 425; Joseph Bergin, Cardinal Richelieu: Power and the Pursuit of Wealth (New Haven, 1985), 39, 260, 288, passim.
7. For Richelieu’s life the two classic works are Carl Burckhardt, Richelieu, 4 vols. (Munich, 1933–67); English translation, 3 vols. (London, 1970–71); and Gabriel Hanotaux with the duc de La Force, Histoire du Cardinal de Richelieu, 6 vols. (Paris, 1893–1947). Brief biographies include C. V. Wedgwood, Richelieu and the French Monarchy (London, 1949); Michel Carmona, Richelieu: l’ambition et le pouvoir (Paris, 1983); and La France de Richelieu (Paris, 1984). For the Richelieu family see Maximin Deloche, Les Richelieu (Paris, 1923).
8. “Il aimait les femmes et craignait le scandale.” Tapié, France in the Age of Louis XIII, 130.
9. Richelieu made a habit of secrecy in public and private affairs. He wrote, “Secrecy is the first essential in affairs of state.” He advised others, “Never write a letter, and never destroy one.”
10. “Il faut écouter beaucoup et parler peu pour bien agir au gouvernement,” in Richelieu, “Maximes et papiers d’état,” ed. Gabriel Hanotaux, Mélanges historiques III (Paris, 1880), 705–822. See also Louis André ed., Testament politique du Cardinal de Richelieu (Paris, 1947). For Richelieu’s relations with Louis XIII see Louis Battifol, Richelieu et le roi Louis XIII: les véritables rapports du souverain et de son ministre (Paris, 1934); Richard Bonney, Political Change in France under Richelieu and Mazarin, 1624–1661 (Oxford, 1978); and Orest Ranum, Richelieu and the Councilors of Louis XIII (Oxford, 1963). For the private fortune that Richelieu extracted from public office see the excellent work of Joseph Bergin, Cardinal Richelieu: Power and the Pursuit of Wealth (New Haven, 1985), 243–63.
11. G. Fagniez, Père Joseph et Richelieu, 2 vols. (Paris, 1894); Tapié, France in the Age of Louis XIII, 130, 137–39.
12. Bergin, Cardinal Richelieu, 264; Tapié, France in the Age of Louis XIII, 137.
13. “Savoir dissimuler est le savoir des rois;” “Pour tromper un rival, l’artifice est permis; on peut tout emploier contre ses ennemis.” Richelieu, “Maximes et papiers d’état,” 705–822.
14. “Qu’on me donne six lignes écrites de la main du plus honnête homme, j’y trouverai de quoi le faire pendre.” But this is a paraphrase of Quintilian, and I can find no source closer to Richelieu than Françoise Bertaut’s Mémoires pour servir à l’histoire d’Anne d’Autriche.
15. Bergin, Cardinal Richelieu, 264; Tapié, France in the Age of Louis XIII, 137.
16. Tapié, France in the Age of Louis XIII, 140.
17. Richelieu, Testament politique, 179–99. Selections are translated in Henry Bertram Hill, The Political Testament of Cardinal Richelieu (Madison, Wisc., 1961). A more recent edition of the Testament politique is edited by Françoise Hildesheimer (Paris, 1995). See also Hanotaux, “Maximes et papiers d’état,” 705–822.
18. Tapié, France in the Age of Louis XIII, 140.
19. A. Lloyd Moote, Louis XIII, the Just, 182, 212; on Richelieu’s jealousy of Montmorency see Louis Vaunois, Vie de Louis XIII (Paris, 1961), 462–63.
20. CWB 5:139.
21. Procuration dated April 29, 1625, copy in Library and Archives Canada, MG3 series 19, 1. His name appears variously in different documents. In Champlain’s Commission it was Ventadour. Other sources make it Vantadour, Lévy-Vantadour, Lévis-Ventadour, or Lévis-Vantadour.
22. A short biography appears in Lucien Campeau, Monumenta Novae Franciae (Quebec, 1967) 2:839–40, s.v. “Lévis;” other materials are in Marcel Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France (Montreal, 1966) 2:291–313, 433–53, passim.
23. Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:298; Campeau, Monumenta 2:839.
24. Ventadour, Commission to Samuel de Champlain, Feb. 15, 1625, full text rpt in CWB, 5:142–49.
25. Many documents are printed in Campeau, Monumenta 2:839ff.
26. Ventadour, Commission to Samuel de Champlain.
27. CWB 5:142–43.
28. On Boullé, see Robert Le Blant, “La famille Boullé, 1586–1639,” RHAF 17 (1963), 55–69; CWB 5:152, 1:247n, 5:2–3, 218–20, 317 passim; on Ensign Destouches, CWB 5:152, 135; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:299, 307, 314, 470, 498.
29. CWB 5:142.
30. Ibid. 5:139.
31. Robert Le Blant and René Baudry, eds., Nouveaux documents sur Champlain et son époque, vol. 1 (1560–1662) (Ottawa, 1967), 75, 419n.
32. CWB 5:150–51.
33. Ibid. 5:150.
34. Ibid. 5:152; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:276.
35. Charles Lalement to Champlain, July 28, 1625; Charles Lalement to the Reverend Father Provincial of the Récollet fathers, July 28, 1625, Charles Lalement to Father Mutio Vitelleschi, General of the Society of Jesus, Rome, August 1, 1625; Charles Lalement to his brother Jerôme Lalement, August 1, 1626, published at Paris, 1627; all in Jesuit Relations 4:161–227; Joseph Le Caron, Au Roy sur La Nouvelle France (n.p. [Paris] 1626); I have used a photocopy in LAC; another copy in the Bibliothèque nationale de France is published in Campeau, Monumenta 2:99–120.
36. Jesuit Relations 4:193, 178, 179.
37. Ibid. 4:179, 199.
38. Ibid. 4:195, 199.
39. Ibid.
40. Ibid. 4:171.
41. Ibid. 4:207.
42. Joseph Le Caron, Advis Au Roy sur les Affaires de la Nouvelle France (Paris, 1626). This very rare pamphlet is in the Bibliothèque nationale de France; I used a photocopy in the Library and Archives of Canada, Ottawa. It is reprinted in Campeau, Monumenta 2:99–120. For discussion pro and con of Le Caron’s argument see Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:302–04 (con) and Father Campeau’s introduction, Monumenta 2:99–102 (pro).
43. Jesuit Relations 4:171.
44. CWB 5:142.
45. Ibid. 5:145.
46. Jesuit Relations 5:153–55; CWB 5:153–54, 194–95; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France, 2:307n; Gabriel Sagard, Histoire du Canada (1636, ed Tross, 1865) 3:791.
47. CWB 5:155.
48. Ibid. 5:156.
49. Ibid. 5:200.
50. Ibid. 5:237.
51. Ibid. 2:21; 4:45.
52. Ibid. 5:110, 202; A lively, rigorous, and graceful report by a leading historian and archaeologist is Jacques Guimont, La Petite-ferme du Cap Tourmente: de la ferme de Champlain aux grandes volées d’oies (Quebec, 1996), 31.
53. CWB 5:202–03.
54. Guimont, La Petite-ferme, 52; Léo-Guy de Repentigny, La ferme d’en bas du Cap Tourmente: La Petite-ferme et la Réserve nationale de faune du cap Tourmente: occupation humaine des origines à 1763 (Quebec, 1989); and cf. CWB 5:203.
55. Guimont, La Petite-ferme, 51–52, 56–58; CWB 5:202.
56. CWB 5:213, 236, 241; Guimont, La Petite-ferme, 51.
57. CWB 5:241; Abbé C.-H. Laverdière, Oeuvres de Champlain (Quebec, 1870), 1134; Sagard, Histoire du Canada 3:813–21. One of the victims was a laborer named Dumoulin; the other a servant named Henri, who served the widow Hébert.
58. For primary sources, CWB 5:257–59; confirmed by Sagard 3:813–21; for secondary analysis, Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:360n.
59. Two accounts of this event survive, by Champlain and by Sagard. Both agree in every important way, and each adds details not in the other. See CWB 5:249–50, 6:52, 60, 62, 70, 104–24, 144; Sagard, Histoire du Canada, 4:829–30, 909–11. For discussions see Marcel Trudel, “Charity, Esperance, Foi,” in BCD/DBC, s.v. “Charity,” and Trudel, Esclavage au Canada français: Histoire et conditions de l’esclavage (Quebec, 1960), 8. Champlain misdated the offer from the Montagnais as Jan. 2, 1628; it was Feb. 2, 1628.
60. For Champlain’s repeated efforts to maintain peace with the Iroquois see CWB 5:72–80, 131–32, 208–09, 214–32.
61. CWB 5:195, 308.
62. Moote, Louis XIII, 46, 57, 121.
63. CWB 5:194–95.
64. “Articles accordez par le Roy
, à la Compagnie du Canada, April 29, 1627,” article 2; in Blanchet et al., Collection de documents relatifs à l’histoire de La Nouvelle France, 1:65. The operative sentence reads: “Sans toutefois qu’il soit loisible aux dits associez et aultres, faire passer aucun estranger ès dits lieux, ainsy peupler la dite colonie de naturels François Catholiques [without it, however, being permissible for the said associates and others to transport any foreigner to the said places, so as to populate the colony with native-born French Catholics].” Marcel Trudel concludes: “La situation en 1627 n’est pas différente de celle d’avant: c’est une Nouvelle-France catholique que les protestants Chauvin de Tonnetuit, Du Gua de Monts, et de Caën avaient mission d’établir, comme c’est une Nouvelle-France catholique que l’on attend des Cent-Associés, mais les huguenots n’en sont exclus [the situation in 1627 was not very different from what preceded it. Just as it was a Catholic New France that Protestants Chauvin de Tonnetuit, Du Gua de Monts and de Caën had a mission to establish, it was a Catholic New France that was expected from the Cent-Associés, but Huguenots were not excluded]” (my translation) Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 3.1:13. I believe that Trudel is correct in his interpretation.
65. CWB 5:194.
66. “Qu’on ne leur deuoit oster ceste liberté.”
67. CWB 5:195.
68. Ibid. 5:194–95. Some historians have interpreted this event differently. Samuel E. Morison judged Champlain’s policy as “cynical,” a miscomprehension. Compare his Samuel de Champlain: Father of New France (New York, 1972), 186.
69. Henri Percival Biggar, The Early Trading Companies of New France: A Contribution to the History of Commerce and Discovery in North America (Toronto, 1901, 1937; rpt. Clifton, N.J., 1972), 134.
70. Marcel Trudel, “La seigneurie des cent-associés,” Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 3.1: 1–22; Lucien Campeau, Les finances publiques de la Nouvelle France sous les Cent-Associés, 1632–1665 (Montreal, 1975); Robert Le Blant, “Les débuts difficiles de la Compagnie de la Nouvelle-France: l’affaire Langlois,” RHAF22 (1968), 25–34. The major documents are in a large and little-used collection of photostat copies of originals in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs at the Quai d’Orsay, the Ministry of Marine, and the Bibliothèque nationale, made early in the twentieth century, in manuscript Division, LC; some are published without attribution in J. Blanchet et al., eds., Collection de manuscrits contenant Lettres, mémoires et autres documents historique … recueillis aux archives de la province de Québec ou copiés à l’étranger (Quebec, 1883) 1:62–85.
Champlain's Dream Page 91
