22. Ibid.
23. Le Jeune, “Relation,” 1635, Jesuit Relations 8:18; Champlain to Richelieu, Aug. 18, 1634, CWB 6:378–79; Champlain in Mercure François 19:821, 833; rpt in Campeau, Monumenta 2:367.
24. [Champlain], “Relation du Voyage,” Mercure François 19:803–67, at 828–38; rpt in Campeau, Monumenta 2:350–97, at 372–78. The murderer was still in confinement when this account was written.
25. Ibid. 2:375.
26. Ibid. 2:378.
27. Le Jeune, “Relation,” 1633, Jesuit Relations 5:221.
28. Ibid. 5:203, 288n; Chrestien Le Clercq, Premier Établissement de la foy dans la Nouvelle-France, 2 vols. (1691), ed. John Gilmary Shea (New York, 1881) 1:161–74; C.-H. Laver-dière, Oeuvres de Champlain (Quebec, 1870), 1042, 1113, 1228.
29. Le Jeune, “Relation” (1633), Jesuit Relations 5:144–45, 178–95.
30. Ibid. 5:123.
31. Ibid. 5:203 (May 24, 1633).
32. Morison, Champlain, 217.
33. Le Jeune, “Relation” (1633), Jesuit Relations 5:205.
34. Ibid. 5:203–05, 207, 209–11.
35. [Champlain], “Relation du Voyage,” Mercure François 18:56–73, rpt. in Campeau, Monumenta 2:380–81.
36. One chronology indicates that 500 to 700 Huron came to Quebec after Champlain had sent Louys de Saincte Foy (called by the Indians Amantacha) to the Huron to ask them to come and trade. See [Champlain], “Relation du Voyage,” Mercure François 19:893–67, rpt. in Campeau, Monumenta 2: 350–97.
37. Le Jeune, “Relation,” 1633, Jesuit Relations 5:243; [Champlain], “Relation du Voyage,” Mercure François 19:803–867, rpt. in Campeau, Monumenta 2:383. The same passage appears in the accounts of Champlain and Le Jeune, but they turned the same observation in different ways. Champlain delighted in the richness and diversity of Indian customs. Father Le Jeune complained about it. He commented: “Oh how weak is the spirit of man! For over 4,000 years he has been seeking to ornament and beautiful himself, and all the nations of the world have not yet been able to agree as to what is true beauty and adornment.” This passage was removed by Champlain.
38. Le Jeune, “Relation,” 1633, Jesuit Relations 5:247.
39. Le Jeune’s account is in Jesuit Relations 5:249; Champlain’s account appears in [Champlain], “Relation du Voyage,” Mercure François 19:803–67, rpt. in Campeau, Monumenta 2:383.
40. Le Jeune, “Relation,” 1633, Jesuit Relations 5:253.
41. Ibid.
42. Ibid.5:257.
43. Ibid. 5:107.
44. Ibid. 5: 212–15; [Champlain], “Relation du Voyage,” Mercure François 19:821, rpt in Campeau, Monumenta 3:366–69; CWB 6:376; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 3.1:126–27.
45. Champlain to Richelieu, Aug. 15, 1633, CWB 6:375–77; photocopies of these manuscripts from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs are in the manuscript division, Library of Congress.
46. Champlain, “Relation du Voyage,” 1633, rpt. in Campeau, Monumenta 2:381–82.
47. In this force of “cent hommes,” Champlain enumerated approximately 120 men. “Relation du Voyage,” 1633, Mercure François 19:841–44, rpt in Campeau, Monumenta 2:381–82.
48. Ibid.
49. Ibid.
50. Champlain to Richelieu, Aug. 15, 1633; CWB 6:375–77.
51. Ibid.
52. Champlain to Richelieu Aug. 15, 1633, Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Library of Congress; original text in Champlain, CWB 6: 375–77; English translation in N.-E. Dionne, Champlain, Fondateur du Québec et père de la Nouvelle France, ed. Flenley (Quebec, 1891, 1926), 246–49.
53. Champlain to Richelieu, Aug. 18, 1634, in CWB 6: 378–79.
54. Michel Carmona, La France de Richelieu (Paris, 1984), 187.
22. THE PEOPLING OF QUEBEC
1. Marcel Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France (Montreal, 1979) 3.1:130.
2. “This is the only French family settled in Canada,” he wrote. Paul Le Jeune, “Relation de ce qui est passé en la Nouvelle France en l’année 1633 …” (Paris, 1634), Jesuit Relations, ed. Reuben Gold Thwaites (Cleveland, 1896–1901) 5:40–44. Champlain had helped other families to settle before 1625: Abraham Martin, his wife Marguerite Langlois, and several children; Pierre Desportes and Françoise Langlois; and Nicolas Pivert, his wife Marguerite Lesage, and an anonymous niece. They appear to have left the colony after the British conquest, and returned in 1632. A few other married couples may have been at Quebec in 1632, but if so their numbers were small and Le Jeune did not recognize them as “families.” Cf. Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:491–500; 3.1:33, 53.
3. Madeleine Jurgens, “Recherches sur Louis Hébert et sa famille,” Mémoires de la Societé généalogique canadienne-française 8 (1957), 106–12, 135–45; 11 (1960), 24–31; Azarie Couillard-Després, La premiere famille française au Canada et Louis Hébert: premier colon canadien et sa famille (Lille, 1913; Montreal, 1918); Champlain, CWB 1:402; 3:203–05; 5:326–27, 6:48, 62, 70–74, 184; Marc Lescarbot, History of New France, 3 vols. (Toronto, 1907) 2:209, 234, 328, 331; 3:246; Gabriel Sagard, Histoire du Canada et voyages que les frères mineurs recollects y ont faicts pour la conversion des infidèles depuis l’an 1615 (first edition, Paris, 1636; reprint edition, Tross 1866) 1:53, 83, 158–59; Chrestien Le Clercq, Premier établissement de la foy dans la Nouvelle-France, 2 vols. (1691), ed. John Gilmary Shea (New York, 1881) 1:164–67, 281; Jesuit Relations 5:41–43.
4. Le Jeune, “Relation” (1632), Jesuit Relations 5:41.
5. Ibid.
6. Ibid.
7. Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:485; 3.1:123, 130, 141. Estimates based on Trudel’s numbers for immigrant ships.
8. Trudel was able to identify by name nine or eleven immigrants in 1633, 46 in 1634, 43 in 1635, and 98 in 1636; Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 3:123, 130, 141.
9. Hubert Charbonneau et al., Naissance d’une population: les Français établis au Canada au XVIIe siècle (Montreal and Paris, 1987), 15; translated as The First French Canadians: Pioneers in the St. Lawrence Valley (Newark, Del., 1993), 32–37; Henri Bunle, Mouvements migratoires entre la France et l’étranger (Paris, 1943); Marcel Trudel, Catalogue des immigrants, 1632–1662 (Montreal, 1983); Lucien Campeau, Les Cent-Associés et le peuplement de la Nouvelle-France, 1633–1663 (Montreal, 1974).
Deep change is a model of historical change. It begins with the assumption that the world is always changing, but not always in the same way. To measure rates of change empirically is to find evidence of distinct “change-regimes,” which were often highly dynamic, but also stable in their dynamism, sometimes for long periods. These change regimes invariably break down sooner or later in moments of “deep change,” and are followed by another change regime, which then breaks down again, and is succeeded by a third, and so on.
For this model of deep change see David Hackett Fischer, Price Revolutions and the Rhythm of History (Oxford and New York, 1996); and a work in progress, tentatively called “Deep Change: The Rhythm of American History.”
10. In 1633 Champlain brought with him the family of Jacques Panis and his wife, Marie Pouchet, (or Pusset) and their daughters Isabeau, or Isabel, and Marie, aged thirteen and six. Both would marry in Quebec within a few years. Another daughter was born to Guillemette Hébert-Couillard in 1632–33. Also back in Quebec by the fall of 1633 were: the family of Abraham Martin with his wife, Marguerite Langlois, and daughters Anne, Marguerite, and Hélène; Pierre Desportes with his wife, Françoise Langlois (sister of Marguerite), and their daughters Hélène; and Nicolas Pivert with his wife, Marguerite Lesage. They had arrived in New France as early as 1629, perhaps earlier (Champlain, CWB 5:329), but had returned to France after the English conquest. They were not in Quebec when Le Jeune arrived in 1632, but were back by the fall of 1633. See Campeau, Les Cent-Associés et le peuplement de la Nouvelle-France, 18n; Lucien Campeau, Monumenta Novae Franciae (Quebec, 1967) 2: 354n.
11. These generalizations derive from two generations of historical d
emography by the rigorous method of “family reconstitution,” which was invented in France at the Institut National d’études démographiques, founded by Louis Henri. That center sponsored a pioneering study on New France: Jacques Henripin, La population Canadienne au début du XVIIIe siècle (Paris, 1954), which produced results mainly for the period from 1660 to 1760. In a much larger effort, teams of Canadian historical demographers greatly broadened the population under careful study. They extended the inquiry backward in time to the beginning of settlement with the results noted below. See Hubert Charbonneau et al., Naissance d’une population: les Français établis au Canada au XVIIe siècle (Montreal and Paris, 1987). This very important volume has appeared in an English translation as Hubert Charbonneau et al., The First French Canadians: Pioneers in the St. Lawrence Valley (Newark, Del., 1993).
12. Hubert Charbonneau et al., Naissance d’une population, table 81, pp. 107–25; also striking is the fact that this proportion changed very little from the mid-eighteenth to the mid-twentieth century.
13. Articles accordez par le Roi, à la Compagnie de Canada, April 29, 1627, article 2; in Blanchet et al., Collection de manuscripts contenant letters, mémoires et autres documents relatifs à l’histoire de La Nouvelle France, 4 vols. (Quebec, 1828–88) 1:65.
14. Henry B. M. Best, “Abraham Martin, dit L’Écossais or Master Abraham,” DCB, s.v. “Martin;” Lucien Campeau, biographical sketch of Abraham Martin in Monumenta 2:842; Trudel, in Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:263, 491–97 passim.
15. “Le premier enfant françois né en Amérique,” 1621, in Blanchet et al., Collection de Documents 1:65.
16. Campeau, Monumenta 2:842.
17. Ibid.
18. Robert Le Blant, “Le testament de Samuel de Champlain, 17 novembre 1635,” RHAF 17 (1963), 269–86.
19. J. M. LeMoine, The Scot in New France, an Ethnological Study (Montreal, 1881); R.-B. Casgrain, “La fontaine d’Abraham Martin et le site de son habitation,” RSC Transactions 2 ser 9 (1903), 145–65; B. C. Roy, “Abraham Martin dit L’Écossais et les plaines d’Abraham,” BRH 34 (1928), 568–70; Léon Roy, “La première canadienne-française,” BRH 48 (1942), 20508; idem, “Anne Martin, épouse de Jean Côté,” BRH 49 (1943), 203–04.
A revisionist argument appears in Jacques Mathieu and Eugen Kedl, The Plains of Abraham: The Search for the Ideal (Quebec, 1993), 25–32, which seeks to minimize the connection of the Plains of Abraham to Abraham Martin with “historical and geographical and moral [!] arguments.” It insists that Martin “never possessed or lived on the parcels of land that carry his name” and “did nothing remarkable that would have justified lending his name to this site,” and “died in relative dishonor for having forfeited his honor with a sixteen-year-old seductress in 1649.” I take a different view.
20. Don Thomson, Men and Meridians: The History of Surveying and Mapping in Canada (Ottawa, n.d.) 1:36–38. Notarial acts wrote of the “côte d’Abraham” at an early date. Some of Martin’s land was sold to the Ursuline Order in 1675 and is thought to have included the ground on which their convent was erected.
21. Trudel in Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 3.1:130.
22. The terms of Giffard’s grant appear in Harris, 22, 55, 108, 119; N.-E. Dionne, Champlain, Founder of Quebec, Father of New France (Toronto, 1962) 2:336–37.
23. Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 3.1:131; Le Jeune, “Relation” (1634), Jesuit Relations 7:213.
24. Champlain to Richelieu, Aug. 18, 1634, photocopy in the Library of Congress, from the original in the Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Paris; French text in CWB 6: 378–79.
25. “l’homme providentiel sur qui reposait la confiance de toutes les familles.” Dionne, Champlain, 2:346.
26. Grants, confirmations, and title deeds are published in Pièces et documents relatifs à la tenure seigneuriale, 2 vols. (Quebec, 1852–54); the Héberts’ confirmation is 2:373.
27. Historians have called these survey lines a rhumb de vent or rhumb line. This is an incorrect adaptation of a usage in navigation, but may have had deep roots in a culture that applied many maritime terms to terrestrial purposes.
28. Richard Colebrook Harris, The Seigneurial System in Early Canada (Madison, 1968), 23; Honorius Provost, “Robert Giffard de Moncel,” DCB; Campeau, Monumenta 2:824–25; Joseph Besnard, “Les diverses professions de Robert Giffard,” Nova Francia 4 (1929) 322–29; T. E. Giroux, Robert Giffard, seigneur colonisateur … (Quebec, 1934).
29. Peter Moogk, La Nouvelle France: The Making of French Canada: A Cultural History (East Lansing, 2000), 486.
30. Samuel Eliot Morison, The Story of Mount Desert Island (Boston, 1960, 1988), 19–21.
31. Estimates vary between 56 and 68 percent of colonists in Quebec.
32. Many studies have replicated this result. See Archange Godbout, “Nos hérédités provinciales françaises,” Les Archives de Folklore 1 (1946), 26–40; Hubert Charbonneau et al., Naissance d’une population, 46; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 3.2: 11–56, passim; Leslie Choquette, Frenchmen into Peasants: Modernity and Tradition in the People of French Canada (Cambridge, Mass., 1997); tr. as De Français à paysans: modernité et tradition dans le peuplement du Canada français (Quebec, 2001); Gervais Carpin, Le Réseau du Canada: étude du mode migratoire de la France vers la Nouvelle-France (1628–1662) (Quebec and Paris, 2001); Peter N. Moogk, La Nouvelle France, 87–120.
33. Sources for what follows include Philippe Barbeau, Le choc des patois en Nouvelle-France: Essai sur l’histoire de la francisation au Canada (Montreal, 1984); Raymond Mougeon and Édouard Beniak, Les origines du français québécois (Quebec, 1994); Lionel Meney, Dictionnaire québécois français (Montreal, 1999); Jean-Marcel Léard, Grammaire québécoise d’aujourd’hui—comprendre les québécismes (Montreal, 1995).
34. J. S. Tassie, “The Use of Sacrilege in the Speech of French Canada,” American Speech 36 (1961), 34–40. Statements by several linguists that this pattern of profanity first appeared in the 1830s are mistaken. For common use of blasphemy and sacrilege, including the punishment for repeated offenders in seventeenth-century France, see Philip Riley, A Lust for Virtue: Louis XlV’s Attack on Sin in Seventeenth Century France (Greenwood, 2001), 124–25. The persistence of this old speechway in modern Quebec is a theme of a hilarious bilingual comedy Bon Cop, Bad Cop (2006), which won top film honors in 2007. It is about two police detectives from the Ontario Provincial Police and the Sûreté de Quebec who are ordered to work together. Much of humor was about the meeting of two cultures, and in particular about the bewilderment of the Ontario policeman at his Quebec colleague who muttered such imprecations as “Tabarnak” and “Câlisse.”
35. Moogk, La Nouvelle France, 146.
36. Michel Lessard and Huguette Marquis, Encyclopédie de la maison Québécoise (Montreal and Brussels, 1972), 35, 70–74, 488, passim.
37. Ibid., 35.
38. For a list of all clergy in Quebec from 1604 to 1629 see Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:460–62. On the arrivals in 1633–34 see also Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 3.1:123n. For the six Jesuit missions from Cape Breton to Lake Huron see Jesuit Relations 7:3. The arrivals of a further seven Jesuits in 1636 are also documented in Trudel 3.1:134n.
39. G.-É. Giguere, Oeuvres de Champlain (Montreal, 1973) 1:409.
40. Pierre Biard, “Relation de la Nouvelle France. Écrite en 1614,” Relations des Jésuites, IV, 100), Lyon (1616); reproduced in Jesuit Relations 3:104; Bruce Trigger, Children of Aataentsic: A History of the Huron People to 1660 (1976, new edition, Montreal, 1987), 269.
41. Robert Laroque, “Les agents pathogènes, des envahisseurs clandestins,” in Litalien and Vaugeois, eds., Champlain: The Birth of French America (Quebec, 2004), 266–75.
23. THE CRADLE OF ACADIA
1. Denys, Acadia, 146n, 124n; for statistical data see the U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1990 Census of Population, Supplementary Reports, Detailed Ancestry Groups (1990 CP-S-1–2); Canadian estimates are diverse.
3. For the Compagnie de Razilly see Marcel Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France (Montreal, 1979) 2:52–54.
4. Pierre Castagnos, Richelieu face à la mer (Rennes, 1989), 78–80.
5. Joan Dawson, Isaac de Razilly, 1587–1635: Founder of LaHave (LaHave, Nova Scotia, 1982); George Macbeath, “Isaac de Razilly,” DCB (Toronto, 1966) 1:567–69; Michel-Gustave de Rasilly, Généalogie de la famille de Rasilly (Laval, 1903); Léon Deschamps, Un colonisateur au temps de Richelieu: Isaac de Razilly (Paris, 1887).
6. CWB 6:219–20.
7. Isaac de Razilly, Mémoire du chevalier de Razilly, Nov. 26, 1626, published by Léon Deschamps as a “memoire inédit,” in the Revue de Géographie 19 (1886) 374–83; the original is lost; a manuscript copy is in the Bibliothèque Sainte-Geneviève, Paris.
8. Razilly was admitted to the Hundred Associates by François Bertrand as its forty-third member, on January 9, 1628; Champlain was enrolled by his wife Hélène Boullé as the fifty-second member, on January 14, 1628. See Trudel, “La Seigneurie des Cent-Associés,” appendix A, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 3.1: 419–20. For Razilly and Richelieu see Castagnos, Richelieu face à la mer, 20; and Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 2:433; 3.1:4–6. Lucien Campeau, Monumenta Novae Francia (Quebec, 1967) 2:852–53, takes another approach, minimizing the role of Razilly’s memoir and maximizing the role of religious leaders, both Récollet and Jesuit.
9. Razilly, Declaration, May 12, 1632, cited in Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 3.1: 121; Joe C. W. Armstrong, Champlain (Toronto: 1987), 259.
10. CWB 6:219–20.
11. See above, 161.
12. René Baudry, “Charles D’Aulnay et la Compagnie de la Nouvelle-France,” RHAF 11 (1957), 218–41; Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France 3.1:53.
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