by David Loades
While this was still going on, as though to demonstrate their continued closeness to the royal couple, the French Queen and the Duke of Suffolk were admitted along with the King and Queen, into the Order of the Canons Regular of St Austin in a Chapter held at Leicester on 16 June. Apart from being a sign of their accepted piety, this had no particular significance beyond obliging them from time to time to act as patrons of the order, an obligation which they do not seem to have discharged with any enthusiasm. 15 It may also have been that their admission was arranged by the King, in order to demonstrate his continued favour, because Suffolk was undoubtedly finding it difficult to maintain good relations with both Henry and Wolsey, especially when they were apart and apparently pursuing separate policies. In late July 1518 the King stayed at Wanstead, of which Suffolk was still the Keeper, and enjoyed the Duke’s hospitality, a circumstance which constrained Brandon to reject an invitation from Wolsey to visit him in London. Uneasy is the position of a man who serves two masters! The renewal of Anglo-French friendship undoubtedly relieved the pressure on Suffolk’s resources, because it led to the regular payment of his wife’s dower ‘in which restith much of her honour and profit, and mine also’, as he confessed. 16 During the period of tension he had been constrained to entrust a confidential plea over this to Sir Thomas Boleyn, the ambassador in France, but such secret dealings were now needed no longer. The French Queen and the Duke were at the centre of the Anglo-French ceremonies and festivities. He reappeared as a leading councillor, and provided a lavish banquet for the whole French embassy. As far as Suffolk was concerned, it was back to the situation of 1514–15, and although Wolsey’s position was now far stronger than it had been then, the King still chose to convey his instructions relating to the French hostages (or guests) to the Cardinal via the Duke of Suffolk in January 1519, a circumstance which may have taken the Lord Chancellor aback. 17
Suffolk had not been entirely ignored by powers other than France. At a time of Anglo-French tension in 1516, when there had been rumours of war, the Emperor Maximilian had communicated with him, and seems to have envisaged him commanding an army against France. However, nothing came of the overtures, and when Maximilian’s successor Charles V considered with his council the desirability of offering pensions to Englishmen, in December 1519, they agreed on Wolsey, Norfolk and Worcester, but not the Duke of Suffolk. 18 However, when relations with France cooled again in 1521, the Duke was assiduous in looking after the Imperial ambassadors, and in May 1522 was one of that select band of courtiers who accompanied Henry to meet Charles at Canterbury. On 9 June both sovereigns dined at Suffolk Place, and hunted in the park there. In that same year he secured an Imperial pension to replace the one which he had lost out of France on account of the war, and succeeded to a remarkable degree in placing his dependants on the same pension list. Half of Charles’s English pensioners were Suffolk protégés, who had little to commend them except their service to the Duke. 19 By the skilful deployment of his position as a courtier, the Duke had succeeded in convincing the Emperor that his clientage was worthy of support. This was a remarkable turnaround in the space of three years, and must reflect Brandon’s growing international reputation as a friend and confidant of Henry VIII. He was a man whom it was no longer safe to ignore.
His household was not particularly large, although a number of these clients were not household servants. It expanded greatly on his marriage, and his establishment became almost indistinguishable from that of his wife. Almost, but not quite, because Mary brought with her a substantial number of young ladies and gentlemen who had been nurtured in her retinue, and various kinsmen and women who had served her in France, notably Elizabeth and Anne Grey, George Brook the son of Lord Cobham, and Humphrey the bastard son of Lord Berners. 20 By 1524 Brandon had fifty-one servants who were earning more than 26 s 8 d each, and Mary may have had twice as many. A little earlier an old-fashioned noblemen like the Earl of Oxford would have had more than a hundred at that level, so given their status the Suffolks were not over-endowed with servants. 21 Nor did the Duke at this stage use his household to build a regional affinity. Most of his estates were in East Anglia, but there is a notable lack of East Anglian gentry among his senior servants, his two principal officers, Sir Thomas Wentworth and Sir John Burton, both coming from the West Riding of Yorkshire. As usual with a major household, there was steady throughput of servants, a number going on after a few years to other preferments, some, as in the case of Richard Long, entering the royal service, and others that of Sir Richard Lovell with whom Brandon had close connections. It was also a social beehive, with a number of Mary’s young ladies finding their marriage partners among their fellows in the same establishment, or in related households such as that of John Gurney. 22 In the early 1520s Suffolk’s household was costing him about £1,000 a year in wages, liveries and subsistence. This was about the same proportion of his income as that deployed by the Duke of Buckingham, but was less grand in scale because his resources were smaller. Mary paid her own servants, which was why she was in such extreme difficulties when her French revenues did not arrive, and why the accumulated debt of the couple continued to rise. The Duke’s council, which should have formed the core of his household, is elusive. Sometimes it seems to have worked in London, keeping him informed about events in the capital when he was not there, but equally it appears as an executive body in Suffolk, acting as a contact between the Surveyor and the Auditor on the one hand and the local bailiffs on the other. 23 Sometimes the Duke appears to have sent an individual with executive powers rather than working through the council, and even its membership is shadowy.
In all this tangle of international commitments and domestic management, however, the most important of Brandon’s tasks, and the one on which all else depended, was to keep his place by the King’s side. Henry’s confidence and friendship were essential to him, and in spite of the King’s affection for his sister, this was an area in which he was essentially on his own. This produced occasional outbursts of acute anxiety, particularly over the renegotiations of his debt, and when he was absent from the court he feared that his place in the King’s jousts might even be in jeopardy. During these absences, notably in July 1516, he occasionally wrote to Wolsey, asking him to keep the King in mind that he ‘daily … desireth to see his grace’. 24 However, it seems that his anxiety was misplaced, because when Suffolk was not at court, the King’s martial feats were scaled down, and he took to challenging alone rather than finding a substitute companion in arms. The Duke’s role in these entertainments certainly changed, but that was not due to any loss of favour – rather the reverse. On 29 January and 19 and 20 May 1516, Suffolk was Henry’s first aid, or fellow challenger, but by 7 July 1517 he had become the leader of the answerers. The reason for this seems to have lain in the events of 20 May, when Suffolk had scored excellently and the King’s performance by comparison was feeble. Henry blamed his failure on the poor quality of his adversaries, and promised never to joust again ‘except it be with as good a man as himself’. 25 The only man who certainly answered that description was the Duke of Suffolk, who thereafter became the leader of the King’s opponents. So the pattern changed, and Henry’s team came to consist of the younger members of the Privy Chamber, such as Sir Francis Bryan, while the Duke’s aids consisted of established court nobles such as the Marquis of Dorset and the Earl of Essex. However, this was an endorsement of Suffolk’s position rather than the reverse, and on 7 July the spectators were particularly impressed by the titanic battle between him and the King. Hector and Achilles were invoked as precedents, and at the end of the combat the two contestants rode out of the ring together, their struggle ended symbolically in renewed brotherhood, like that of Lancelot and Tristram. 26 This pattern continued for the jousts of the next seven years until, following an accident which could have caused Henry serious injury, the Duke vowed never to run against the King again. By that time he was forty years old, and his jousting days were in any case virtually over.
Henry’s confidence in his friend’s ability was shown by his selection, along with the Marquis of Dorset, to be the King’s chief aids in the international jousts at the Field of Cloth of Gold in 1520. Suffolk might be outshone in the disguisings and other court revels of the period, but never in the lists. His role in these revels was usually confined to dancing, although he occasionally appeared with the King disguised as ‘an ancient person’, to emphasise the youth of Henry’s new companions. Mary also took part in these celebrations, and in other banquets and state occasions, her beauty adding lustre to the scene, but her role was essentially passive, except when she led the dancing. However, her presences at court served as a counterpoint to those of her husband, and a reminder to the King (if he ever needed it) that his favourite jouster was also his brother-in-law.
Wolsey’s great diplomatic triumph, the Treaty of London of 1518, had included a clause committing Henry and Francis to a personal meeting in the summer of 1519. 27 However, the death of the Emperor Maximilian in March necessitated an election, and since both monarchs were candidates this meant the postponement of the meeting until 1520. By that time, however, the election of Charles of Castile as the Emperor Charles V had somewhat changed the political agenda. Henry, always a shade suspicious of Francis, decided that his interests might be better served by an understanding with the new Emperor, and took advantage of the latter’s intended voyage from Spain to invite him to England. He duly arrived at the beginning of May, and was lavishly entertained, with hunting and banquets at which the ‘beautiful Lady Mary, the King’s sister, late Queen of France and now consort of the Duke of Suffolk’ featured prominently. 28 The proceedings were also graced by the appearance of Queen Germaine, the widow of the King of Aragon, and now the wife of the Marquis of Brandenburg, who shared the same status as Mary, and her husband and the Duke of Suffolk feasted together. However, it was Queen Mary rather than Germaine or Catherine who led the dancing on these occasions, and her gracefulness was much commented upon. The meetings were friendly and a good understanding was reached. It was arranged that the pair would meet again following Henry’s encounter with the French King, which was clearly expected to be competitive rather than amicable. Meanwhile Wolsey had been busy arranging for that encounter, and making sure that his master’s honour was satisfied. 29 A site had been identified between Guisnes and Ardres, and a lavish temporary palace built to host the English events of the encounter. Workmen had been imported in large numbers and provisions of every kind laid on both for men and horses. No expense had been spared. Meanwhile the Emperor had almost outstayed his welcome, and when he eventually parted from the King at Canterbury on 30 May, he went to Sandwich to embark, and Henry, Catherine and Mary went the same day to Dover for the same purpose. 30
There is some doubt how many attendants Mary took with her to France. The Duke of Suffolk was limited to seventy, so we may assume that the Queen took rather more, but no list survives. The royal lists include the Duke as attendant upon the King, but not the French Queen, who presumably had her own establishment. She does not feature on the Queen’s ‘side’, which includes only the Duchess of Buckingham among fifty-seven noblewomen and gentlewomen. Catherine’s total entourage numbered 1,260 persons, including servants, while Henry’s totalled a magnificent 4,544, including 133 knights and noblemen. It was reckoned that 3,223 horses would be needed to mount and transport this multitude and their goods. 31 Shortly after their arrival in France it was noted that the royal family rode in a procession, with the Queen following the King, and her ladies, who numbered twenty in all, including the Queen of France attendant upon her. Her English contingent (slightly seasick) arrived at Calais on 31 May to find the French awaiting them with some impatience. They should have been at Guisnes by 1 June, but Henry pleaded for some delay, and they eventually arrived on the 7th, at which point the kings ceremoniously met, with much spurious bonhomie. 32 They then proceeded to the ‘feats of arms’, the challenge for which had been issued in mid-April and the site chosen a month later. This had been most carefully prepared, ‘appareled, ditched, fortified and kepte of the one and of the other partie by equall number’ so that neither side could claim an advantage. On the ‘tree of honour’ which dominated the tiltyard, the kings’ shields were placed tactfully side by side, and in the jousts which followed each rode the same number of courses, and broke the same number of lances, a feat which must have required great skill on both sides. 33 The Duke of Suffolk, who had been the leading English delegate in the setting up of this tournament, did not, apparently, distinguish himself as much as had been expected. Some believed that this was out of a desire not to outshine his king, but in fact he had sustained a minor injury to one of his hands. There was also the consideration that this was an occasion which belonged to his wife, who was borne in state to the tiltyard on 11 June in a litter of cloth of gold, emblazoned with monograms of L and M, supported by Louis’ emblem of the porcupine. The French welcomed their own Reine Blanche, a genuine French Englishwoman, to be preferred to Henry’s Spanish wife, and so much more beautiful than their own Queen Claude, a sad little creature by comparison, 34 although magnificently attired. More imposing on the French side was the Queen Mother, Louise of Savoy, who was supported by an ‘infinite number of ladies’ all clad in crimson velvet and cloth of gold. There was clearly an unofficial beauty competition between the ladies, because Mary was similarly supported, and this was taken as seriously as the martial emulation of the gentlemen by the spectators. The Italians, who may not have been impartial observers, awarded the palm to the French, but Mary was always excepted from this generalisation. She was beyond comparison the most lovely lady on view. 35 Catherine might win admiration for her exotic Spanish headdress, because a fashion show was all part of the fun, but because there was no distinctive English style, the French again carried off the palm, and Mary in cloth of gold was again the exception.
On Saturday 16 June Francis went to Guisnes to be entertained to dinner by Catherine, and on the 17th Henry returned the compliment, going to Ardres to the hospitality of Queen Claude. Beyond the fact that Francis was accompanied by his mother, and was clad in cloth of gold, we do not know much about his advent, but at dinner he sat opposite the Queen at a table which was shared by Cardinal Wolsey and Mary, the French Queen. 36 The company was entertained by musicians drawn from the King’s Musik and the Chapel Royal, although it is doubtful whether Francis (who was tone deaf) was as appreciative as he should have been. This entertainment was not held at Guisnes Castle, which was too small, but at the King’s temporary palace just outside the town, and was a sumptuous occasion, several banquets proceeding simultaneously. The great hall was occupied by tables hosting some 130 ladies, waited on by 20 gentlemen, a custom which seems to have been peculiar to the English. Elsewhere 200 gentlemen were feasted, while in yet another room were entertained those French nobles who had accompanied their king – the Admiral, the Duke of Bourbon and others. 37 When Henry went to dine with Claude, he was accompanied by his sister, her husband, and by a party of masquers, nineteen gentlemen in elaborate disguises. It was apparently intended that the King should dine alone, as an especial mark of honour, but it is not clear that he did so, since he summoned several French nobles to keep him company. The Queen, and the Duke and Duchess of Suffolk meanwhile dined at a separate table, both women, it was noted, wearing the most sumptuous pearls. Presumably the subject of the Mirror of Naples was not raised! 38 Other banquets were held elsewhere for the respective retinues, and afterwards there was dancing, led by Mary as the principal female guest, and also, probably, the most accomplished performer. The King then led his gentlemen in a masque of youth and age to entertain his hosts, which was followed by more dancing and the company returned to Guisnes still in their masquing apparel, with their minstrels playing them through the streets. It is not known how Henry performed in the dances, but if his reputation is anything to go by, it would have been boisterously. After a mass of peace, at which Wolsey preached, and an exchange
of costly presents, on 25 June the English withdrew to Calais, most of their overlarge retinues were disbanded, and the King’s temporary palace was demolished. 39 Henry waited at Calais until 10 July, and then went to his second scheduled meeting with the Emperor at Gravelines. In spite of the expressions of goodwill, nothing had transpired at the Field of Cloth of Gold which had changed his mind about the desirability of a deal with Charles. In fact the competitive edge which he had been constrained to maintain had probably reinforced his desire for an understanding with this unassuming but tough young man.
There had been some serious political discussion at the Anglo-French meeting, conducted mostly by Wolsey with Francis’s council, which had resulted in the confirmation of the existing treaties between the countries, and an agreement that the King’s daughter Mary, then aged five, should in due course marry the newly born dauphin, Francis, an understanding which sealed a friendship, but nothing more. 40 Henry, in other words had been faithful to the undertakings which he had made at the Treaty of London. Nor was he to break that faith in the discussions which now ensued. This time he realised that Charles would be accompanied by his aunt, Margaret of Austria, and decided to take his sister with him. That he chose Mary rather than Catherine for this role is curious, because Charles was equally his wife’s nephew, while the Duchess of Suffolk could command no blood tie at all. It may have been that what he really wanted was the companionship of his friend, Charles Brandon, and that Mary was invited as an ‘accompanying person’, but it does not look that way. 41 What happened was that she met for the first time that ‘dear aunt’ with whom she had corresponded as Princess of Castile, and the man who had almost become her first husband. It must have been a curious meeting, but we know nothing very much about it. Henry stayed in Gravelines barely forty-eight hours, time for some serious talking, but not much time for entertainment; nor is there any record of the ladies putting on a show, as might have been expected with Mary on the scene. On 12 July he returned to Calais, accompanied by the Emperor and his aunt. This time an opportunity was found for at least one banquet, held in the newly built hall of the palace, but again, apart from diplomatic discussions we do not know what transpired. Since Catherine was in Calais at the time, presumably Mary faded into the background. There was no treaty as a result of these meetings, but a good working relationship had been established which was to bear fruit in the following year. Meanwhile King Henry was ostensibly on good terms with both his powerful neighbours, a situation which was not likely to endure in face of the fact that Francis and Charles were already squaring up to each other in Italy, and that the Emperor’s territories virtually surrounded France. 42 The Gravelines and Calais meetings had, however, made it more likely that Henry would side with Charles, a situation which the Francophile Duke and Duchess of Suffolk can only have regarded with trepidation.
