Manifest Destinies, Second Edition

by Laura E. Gómez

  32 Brubaker, Citizenship and Nationhood, 182 (emphasis original). For a collection of essays exploring similar themes and Latinos, see Flores and Benmayor, Latino Cultural Citizenship.

  33 Tienda and Mitchell, Multiple Origins, Uncertain Destinies, 39–40.

  34 Moore and Pachón, Hispanics in the United States, 51.

  35 Tienda and Mitchell, Multiple Origins, Uncertain Destinies, 41.

  36 For a study that finds that the order of similar questions outside the census matters, see Bonilla-Silva, Racism without Racists, 201n28.

  37 Logan, “How Race Counts,” 3 (table 3).

  38 Sociologist Clara Rodríguez suggests a different set of three explanations in response to the more narrow, though related, question of why substantial numbers of Latinos chose “some other race”: (1) Hispanics are indicating their mixed-race heritage; (2) Hispanics misunderstand the race question; (3) Hispanics have a different definition of race. Rodríguez, Changing Race, 130–31.

  39 Glazer, “Reflections on Race,” 319.

  40 Rodríguez, Changing Race, 130–31; Tienda and Mitchell, Multiple Origins, Uncertain Destinies, 41.

  41 Sociologist George Yancey makes this claim expressly. Yancey, Who Is White? Sociologist John Skrentny makes it implicitly, frequently referencing this data point in his Minority Rights Revolution. For a similar interpretation of Skrentny, see Johnson, “Review,” 316.

  42 Sociologist Eduardo Bonilla-Silva makes this argument expressly. Bonilla-Silva, Racism without Racists, 187. Sociologists Edward Murguia and Rogelio Saenz make it implicitly. See Murguia and Saenz, “Analysis of the Latin Americanization of Race.”

  43 See Rodríguez, Changing Race, 131; Tafoya, “Shades of Belonging,” 3, 21; Tienda and Mitchell, Multiple Origins, Uncertain Destinies, 41.

  44 Tienda and Mitchell, Multiple Origins, Uncertain Destinies, 41–44.

  45 Moreover, some evidence suggests that these numbers may inflate the proportion of Hispanics who truly identify as white—in other words, Hispanics who check “white” seem to be much more ambivalent than Hispanics who check “some other race.” In her study for the Pew Hispanic Center, demographer Sonya Tafoya reported that Hispanics who selected “some other race” were much more likely than Hispanics who identified as white to stick with their census choice when asked their racial identity in a subsequent survey. Tafoya, “Shades of Belonging,” 22.

  46 Tienda and Mitchell, Multiple Origins, Uncertain Destinies, 19.

  47 Bonilla-Silva, Racism without Racists, 187. These figures are based on the 5 percent questionnaire of the 2000 census. See also Tafoya, “Shades of Belonging.”

  48 Bonilla-Silva, Racism without Racists, 187. The number of Latinos who identify as black may well reflect antiblack racism (and internalized racism) that stems from both the long history of black oppression in the United States and the strong antiblack strand in the Spanish-Mexican racial legacy that I discussed in Chapter 2.

  49 The data in this paragraph are drawn from the 5 percent questionnaire for the 2000 census, as reported by Bonilla-Silva, Racism without Racists, 187 (table 8.2).

  50 This certainly is the case, although Mexican Americans and Puerto Ricans report significantly warmer feelings toward blacks than do Cuban Americans, for example. Ibid., 189. Political scientist Mark Sawyer reports that Cubans are more than twice as likely as Mexican Americans and Puerto Ricans to believe that African Americans face “little or no discrimination.” Sawyer, Racial Politics in Post-revolutionary Cuba, 173. For an analysis of the degree to which blacks have internalized antiblack racism, see Bonilla-Silva, Racism without Racists, 151–76.

  51 Moore, “Foreword,” xx.

  52 See, generally, García, Mexican Americans.

  53 See, generally, Haney López, Racism on Trial.

  54 Sawyer, Racial Politics in Post-revolutionary Cuba, 155–57.

  55 Cornell and Hartmann, Ethnicity and Race, 157–58; see also Sawyer, Racial Politics in Post-revolutionary Cuba, 156.

  56 “Cubans in the United States,” 4.

  57 Tafoya, “Shades of Belonging,” 2.

  58 Ibid., 2, 21.

  59 Ibid., 12.

  60 Ibid.

  61 Telles and Ortiz, Generations of Exclusion, 234–37.

  62 Ibid., 1–20.

  63 Ibid., 225.

  64 Tienda and Mitchell, Multiple Origins, Uncertain Destinies, 4.

  65 Ibid., 88–93 (summarizing the data).

  66 Telles and Ortiz, Generations of Exclusion, 104.

  67 Ibid., 131–32.

  68 Del Pinal and Ennis, “Racial and Ethnic Identity,” 3.

  69 Tafoya, “Shades of Belonging,” 7.

  70 Ibid.

  71 Lieberman, “51% of Riot Arrests Were Latino,” B3.

  72 Tafoya, “Shades of Belonging,” 7 (data compiled from table 3).

  73 Suro and Escobar, “2006 National Survey of Latinos,” 4.

  74 Fraga et al., “Su Casa Es Nuestra Casa,” 516.

  Postscript

  1 Mora, Making Hispanics; Skrentny, Minority Rights Revolution.

  2 Mora, Making Hispanics.

  3 Ibid., 89.

  4 Ibid., 98–100.

  5 Ibid.

  6 Ibid., 101.

  7 Census officials had field-tested a race question that included Hispanics in Oakland, CA, Tucson, AZ, and New York City. Author’s interview with Leobardo Estrada, December 2015.

  8 López, “Killing Two Birds.”

  9 Gonzáles, Política, 5, Table 1.

  10 Ibid., 7, Table 2.

  11 Meeks, Border Citizens, 98.

  12 Ibid., 101. On the Texas Rangers, see Samora, Bernal, and Pena, Gunpowder Justice; Mirandé, Gringo Justice; and Utley, Lone Star Justice. At the national level, the formation of the U.S. Border Patrol in 1924 embraced some elements of the Texas Rangers; see, generally, Lytle Hernandez, Migra!

  13 Gonzáles, Política, 7; see also, Gómez, “Race, Colonialism, and Criminal Law.”

  14 For an overview, see Valencia, Chicano Students and the Courts.

  15 Ibid., 13–17.

  16 Molina, Fit to Be Citizens?

  17 Fox, Three Worlds of Relief, 19.

  18 Sánchez, Becoming Mexican American.

  19 Ibid., 259.

  20 Ibid., 266.

  21 Ibid., 266.

  22 Ibid., 267.

  23 Behnken, “Movement in the Mirror,” 51.

  24 Ibid., 49.

  25 De Anda, “Hernandez at Fifty,” 201.

  26 For detailed discussions of their strategy and the case, see Olivas, “Hernandez v. Texas”; De Anda, “Hernandez at Fifty”; and Garcia, White but Not Equal. Unless otherwise specified, information about the case comes from the three sources above. See also Olivas, “Colored Men” and “Hombres Aquí” for a collection of essays presented on the fiftieth anniversary of the Supreme Court case. There is a documentary film about the case, A Class Apart (2009).

  27 Hernandez v. Texas, 347 U.S. 475, 482 (1954).

  28 Ibid., 478 (emphasis added).

  29 Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, 347 U.S. 483 (1954).

  30 On the Chicano movement, see Chávez, Mi Raza Primero!; Muñoz, Youth, Identity, Power; Haney López, Racism on Trial; Blackwell, !Chicana Power!; Montejano, Quixote’s Soldiers.

  31 Alvarez and Widener, “Brown-Eyed Soul.”

  32 Bauman, “Neighborhood Adult Participation Project.”

  33 Haney López, Racism on Trial.

  34 Lee, Building a Latino Civil Rights Movement, chap. 3.

  35 Ibid., 173–74.

  36 Ibid., 3.

  37 Fernandez, Brown in the Windy City, 3–5. Fernandez says 14 percent, but other accounts go as high as 20 percent. Ibid., 5, 271n10. The challenge in charting the growth in these groups stems from the unreliability of census data for reasons previously noted.

  38 Ibid., 17.

  39 Ibid., 10.

  40 Ibid., 10.

  41 Treitler, “Social Agency and White Supremacy,” 156.
/>   42 Rocco, Transforming Citizenship, 71 (emphasis original).

  43 Molina, How Race Is Made; Haney López, Racism on Trial.

  44 Rocco, Transforming Citizenship, 72.

  45 Nájera, Borderlands of Race.

  46 Ibid., 135.

  47 Dowling, Mexican-Americans and the Question of Race, 138.

  48 Ibid., 33.

  49 Ibid., 133.

  50 Vargas, “Latina/o Whitening?,” 127–30.

  51 Ibid., 132 (emphasis added).

  52 Bonilla-Silva, Racism without Racists.

  53 Sandoval, “Citizenship and the Barriers to Black and Latino Coalitions in Chicago,” 39.

  54 Lacayo, “Latinos Need to Stay in Their Place”; see also Ochoa, Academic Profiling.

  55 Portes and Rumbaut, Immigrant America, 76–77.

  56 Telles and Ortiz, Generations of Exclusion, 264–65.

  57 Portes and Rumbaut, Immigrant America, 374–81.

  58 Increasingly, scholars in the social sciences have recognized that the study of immigration and immigrants has deep racial components. This was reflected in the inaugural issue of the journal Sociology of Race and Ethnicity (2015) featuring only articles on immigration that were grounded in a racial analysis.

  59 Gonzales, Reform without Justice, 5. The focus on “illegal aliens” is not new, as historian Mae Ngai has shown. Ngai, Impossible Subjects. But there is little doubt that, in the first decades of the twenty-first century, it has become pervasive as a racist trope for Latinos.

  60 Portes and Rumbaut, Immigrant America, 32.

  61 Ibid., 33.

  62 Gonzales, Reform without Justice, 148.

  63 Ibid., 148.

  64 Gonzalez Van Cleve, Crook County, 82.

  65 Portes and Rumbaut, Immigrant America, 201.

  66 HoSang, Racial Propositions.

  67 Barreto and Segura, Latino America, 176.

  68 Ibid., 177.

  69 Ibid., 178–79.

  70 Ibid., 178–79.

  71 Zepeda-Millán and Wallace, “Racialization in Times of Contention”; Pallares and Flores-Gonzalez, “Introduction.”

  About the Cover

  1 Moore, “Twelve Men, Listening.”

  2 Ibid.

  3 Greene, “Manifest Destinies”; Castro, “Manifest Destinies.”

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