Spies and Deserters

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Spies and Deserters Page 33

by Martin Ganzglass


  2) On January 6, 1778, twenty-four year old Catherine “Caty” Littlefield Greene arrived at Valley Forge to join her husband, General Nathaniel Greene, who was twelve years older than she. Their two children remained behind in Providence. She was fluent in French, vivacious, flirtatious and “one of the most brilliant and entertaining of women.” (Loane, pp 58-59.) She also became pregnant while at Valley Forge and was bed-ridden at the end of February and beginning of March.

  3) Fort Mercer, along with Fort Mifflin, was one of two forts, four miles below British occupied Philadelphia, blocking the British fleet from coming up the Delaware River to supply their army in the newly captured city. Fort Mercer was on the Jersey side of the river, supporting Fort Mifflin on Mud Island. A Hessian assault on Fort Mercer, on October 22nd, failed with heavy casualties and the loss of two British warships. After a heavy bombardment of Fort Mifflin, the Americans were driven to take refuge at Fort Mercer which was attacked by 5,000 British troops. They succeeded where the Hessians had failed and the Americans were forced to abandon Fort Mercer on November 20th. (Savas, Theodore P., and Dameron, David J., A Guide to the Battles of the American Revolution, pp. 151-155.)

  Colonel Angell and the Rhode Island Infantry, Second Regiment were among the besieged Americans at Fort Mercer. Angell wrote the following about the unsuccessful attack by the Hessians:

  “22nd this day we Continued Dilligent on our works until the after Noon about one oclock, when the Enemy Arrived within musket Shoot of our fort. We fired a Cannon or two at them on which they Retired, and kept Sculking in the woods until half After four oClock, when they Sent in a flagg Demanding the fort but was answered that the fort was not to be Given up on any terms, in Reply to this, they answered that if we Still remain’d obstinate, our blood might be upon our own heads, for we should have no Mercy Shone us. Our Answer was we asked none and Expect none. So granted and in about ten minuts after then begun as Smart a fire as Ever I heard from Eight field pieces. . . they had placed against us, at the Same time advanced in two Colems to attack our fort by Storm, when there begun an incesant fire Musketry which Continued forty minuts, when the hessians Retreated In the most Pescipited manner leaving 200 kill’d and wounded in the field, we Spent the greatest part of the Night bringing in the wounded.”

  Private Joseph Martin, in his usual acerbic and macabre humorous manner, wrote about the battle for Fort Mercer:

  “I was at the siege [of Yorktown], and the hardships of that were no more to be compared to this [the siege of Fort Mercer] than the sting of a bee to the bite of a rattlesnake. But there has been little notice taken of it, the reason of which is, there was no Washington, Putnam or Wayne there. Had there been, the affair would have been extolled to the skies. Great men get great praise; little men, nothing. But it was always so and always will be.” (Martin, p. 95.)

  4) Despite the punishment of five lashes across the back, many men relieved themselves inside their huts instead of at the outside latrines. To alleviate the stench, Washington ordered the men to cut windows in their huts and remove the mud in the chinks to allow the breezes to air them out. (Allen, p. 41.)

  5) Baron Friedrich Wilhelm August von Steuben, a Prussian born military officer who had served in the army of Frederick the Great, arrived at Valley Forge on February 23, 1778. He was accompanied by his private secretary, three French adjutants and his dog, Azor, alternately described as an Italian greyhound or a Russian wolfhound.

  Initially, he trained a model company of one hundred soldiers, drilling them personally twice a day. Although he spoke no English, he communicated by acting out the manual of arms, or through French speaking officers or by a few memorized commands in English. The soldiers from his model company in turn proceeded to teach the drills to other units. (Bergen County Historical Society, Friedrich Wilhelm von Steuben; Allen, p. 39.) Von Steuben turned “the drills into contests between regiments, and the men, sometimes as angry with each other as they were with the British, welcomed the competition.” (Chadwick, p. 240.)

  6) When Baron von Steuben first arrived at Valley Forge and began drilling a select group of soldiers, Captain Benjamin Walker, who spoke French, volunteered to assist him. Von Steuben was delighted, stating that “If I had seen an angel from heaven . . .I could not have been more rejoiced.” Walker became his aide-de-camp. (Fleming, p. 221.)

  Von Steuben peppered his pupils with oaths in French and German, interspersed with the occasional “Goddamn.” One typical outburst, with Walker at his side was: “Viens, Walker, mon ami! Sacre! Goddamn de gaucheries of dese badauts. Je ne plus. I can curse dem no more.” (Allen, p. 222.)

  7) Baron von Steuben’s record of drill instructions developed at Valley Forge became the “Regulations for the Order and Discipline of the Troops of the United States,” and was the basic manual for military training and discipline until 1812. A facsimile reprint of the 1794 edition of von Steuben’s Revolutionary War Drill Manual contains instructions on everything from simple commands such as Attention, Rest, Left and Right Face, as well as instructions for accomplishing more complicated maneuvers such as opening of the ranks, to the right and left wheel, the oblique march and the march by files. (Baron von Steuben’s Revolutionary War Drill Manual, pp. 32-36.) Besides maneuvers, the soldiers had to learn drum signals, one a “flam” or two note drumbeat, with different signals for “turn or face to the right,” and “to the left.” (Allen, p. 40.) This discipline and training was important because prior to von Steuben’s drills, the American army deployed into battle in single file lines. Now they were able to maneuver in orderly units and bring disciplined firepower more quickly to the battlefield.

  8) Baron von Steuben projected the image of a militarist with his soldierly bearing and his appearance in uniform, bedecked with various medals and the Star of Fidelity. His Prussian heritage and experience in the armies of Frederick the Great, who led Prussia to become the dominant and most feared military power in Europe, also enhanced his reputation as a warrior.

  One soldier at Valley Forge wrote: “He seemed to me a perfect personification of Mars (the God of War). The trappings of his horse, the enormous holsters of his pistols, his large size and strikingly martial aspect, all seemed to favor the idea.”

  Randy Shilts in his book, “Conduct Unbecoming: Gays and Lesbians in the U.S. Military,” writes that Frederick the Great’s court was notoriously gay. In August 1777, a written accusation of homosexuality was made against von Steuben and he fled Europe to avoid dishonor. The scandal surrounding von Steuben did not reach America until several years after the Revolutionary War. Shilts speculates that Benjamin Franklin, who met with von Steuben in Paris and offered him the opportunity to assist the American Army, was also probably unaware of the accusations against the Prussian drill master. (Shilts, Randy, Conduct Unbecoming: Gays and Lesbians in the U.S. Military, pp. 7-10.)

  Walter Benemann in his work, “Male-Male Intimacy in Early America,” asserts that Captain Benjamin Walker, who became von Steuben’s aide-de-camp at Valley Forge, was reputed to be the Baron’s male companion. However, Benemann concludes that “Walker had no scruples about exploiting the Baron’s sexual interest although he had no intention of reciprocating.” (Benemann, Walter, “Male-Male Intimacy in Early America: Beyond Romantic Friendships,pp.102-103.)

  It makes no difference today whether Baron von Steuben was homosexual or not. What matters is how history is taught and whether historical figures are accurately portrayed or behavior, thought to be reprehensible at the time our history books were written, is obliterated from the record.

  9) The journey from Philadelphia to Valley Forge, began on April 5, 1778. Four Quaker women, Elizabeth Drinker, Susanna Jones, Phebe Pemberton and Mary Pleasants made the trip by coach, arriving on April 6th. The description of their coach, “complete with 4 horses and two Negros who rode Postilion,” is from Elizabeth Drinker’s diary entries. (North, Louise V., Wedge, Janet M., Freeman, Landa M., In the Words of Women-The Revolutionary War and the Birth of
the Nation, 1765-1799, p. 115; Journal of the American Revolution, Annual Volume 2015, Loane, Nancy K, “An Elegant Dinner with General Washington at Valley Forge,” p. 236.)

  I have included the fictitional character of Mary Lewis as the fifth woman in the party. The conversations with Martha Washington, the General and various Staff Officers during the dinner which the Quaker ladies in fact attended, are also fictitious.

  10) Elizabeth Drinker’s diary entry recounting the meeting with General Washington stated: “he told us, he could do nothing in our busyness further than granting us a pass to Lancaster, which he did. . .” (North et al., p. 115.)

  In fact, Washington wrote a letter dated the same day, addressed to the President of Pennsylvania’s governing body, Thomas Wharton Jr., in favor of the release of their husbands:

  “Sir: Mrs. Jones, Mrs. Pleasants and two other Ladies, connected with the Quakers confined at Winchester in Virginia, waited upon me this day for permission to pass to York Town, to endeavour to obtain the release of their Friends. . . You will judge the propriety of permitting them to proceed further than Lancaster; but from appearances, I imagine their request may be safely granted. As they seem much distressed, humanity pleads strongly in their behalf.” (Loane, Journal of the American Revolution, 2015, p. 239, footnote 12.)

  11) The menu for the dinner is based on the Household Expense Book, kept by Captain Caleb Gibbs, which listed the kinds of foods purchased and available. It was usual to serve two dining courses of three main dishes and several side dishes. Speculation on the actual dinner is based upon the suggestion of Clarissa F. Dillon, an expert on food of the Colonial and Revolutionary periods. (Loane, Journal of the American Revolution, 2015, pp.238-239.)

  12) The Pennsylvania Council, without meeting with the women, ordered the release of the Quaker men held in Winchester, Virginia. Whether that was due to their own decision or General Washington’s letter is unknown. The men arrived in Lancaster on April 25th, and the entire group returned to Philadelphia on April 30th. (North, et al., p. 116.)

  13) The treaties with France, recognizing American independence, were completed on February 6, 1778. France agreed to a military alliance with America that meant the supply, not only of weapons, but the commitment of French troops and naval vessels. It took a few months for the news to reach the new United States. Washington staged a celebration on May 6th at Valley Forge. The text of the treaties was read aloud to the assembled troops, thirteen cannons were fired, soldiers performed a feu de joie, a running fire of muskets, and there were cheers of “Long Live the King of France.” (Chernow, p. 335, Allen, p. 42.)

  Chapter 7 – In Licentious Philadelphia 1) Using the conversion rate (adopted by Congress in 1775) of one pound equaled two and 2/3rd dollars, the fifty pounds John Stoner gambled was equivalent to around $133 in those days and more than $8,000 in U.S. dollars in 2016. To put the amounts being wagered in perspective, a Colonel in the Continental Army was paid $50 per month; a working man’s wages for a year were twenty six pounds. (Journal of the American Revolution, 2015, Barbieri, p. 99, note 2.)

  2) As bizarre as this festival may seem in the middle of a war and staged in the British occupied city of Philadelphia, the Mischienza actually took place. It was financed by private contributions from high ranking officers, an indication of how wealthy they were; it had a medieval theme, and the ladies chosen by their “knights,” were dressed in “exotic Turkish costumes;” the four hundred guests were entertained at Walnut Grove, the mansion owned by the former Joseph Wharton; the ballroom, designed by Major John Andre, was decorated in “a light elegant style of painting,” with eighty-five mirrors; there was a stupendous fireworks display at ten pm, followed by dancing. Dining took place in a newly constructed two hundred and ten foot long room with seats for four hundred and thirty people who were served “1,200 dishes, plus fifty pyramids of sweetmeats, jellies, and cakes.” (Fleming, pp. 268-269.) Allen describes the young women as wearing “Turkish-style gowns and jeweled turbans,” and the guests were served by “twenty-four black slaves in Oriental dresses, with silver collars and bracelets.” (Allen, pp. 47-48.) For a description focusing on Peggy Shippen’s attendance, see Stuart, Nancy Rubin, Defiant Brides-The Untold Story of Two Revolutionary-Era Women and the Radical Men They Married, pp. 9-10.) The dancing and revelry continued until dawn.

  All was not merriment. There was a war on. Shortly after the fireworks ended American cavalry, who had snuck up to the wooden sharpened stake structures defending Philadelphia, ignited the timber barricades and set them afire. The guards in the redoubt towers fired muskets at the Americans and drums signaled an attack. The raid was led by Captain Allan McLane. The guests were told it was just another part of the festivities and they partied on. (Fleming, p. 270.)

  Chapter 8 – The Campaign Resumes 1) Washington sent a reconnaissance force of 2,200 men, led by the Marquis de Lafayette, to block any offensive thrust by General Clinton with orders to engage only in a holding action until the rest of the American army could arrive. Lafayette chose a place about five miles west of Philadelphia, called Barren Hill and now known as Lafayette Hill. (Fleming, p. 290; Allen, p. 49.)

  2) Uneasy about the possibility of a surprise attack on Lafayette’s troops, Washington included in the force two platoons of his own lifeguard, fifty of Morgan’s riflemen, a troop of cavalry to serve as scouts, and forty-seven Oneida Indians.

  During the French and Indian War, the Oneidas had been allied with the French. At a conference in upstate New York attended by Lafayette, the Oneida were told that Lafayette represented the French King. They adopted the young Marquis into their tribe and named him “Kaywela”, after one of their great warriors. Lafayette referred to the Oneidas as “scalping gentlemen.” When the Oneida warriors arrived at Valley Forge, Washington received them with courtesy and ceremony. (Fleming, p. 291; George Washington’s Mount Vernon, Oneida; Sawyer, William, National Park Service, The Oneida Nation in the American Revolution.)

  3) Private Joseph Martin describes the Indians, and an incident before the British attacked Lafayette’s troops, with the prejudice of the time and his usual humor:

  “The Indians were stout-looking fellows and remarkably neat for that race of mortals, but they were Indians.

  . . . The Indians were amusing themselves and the soldiers by shooting with their bows, in and about the church. I observed something in the corner of the roof . . . and desired an Indian . . . to shoot an arrow at it. He did so and it proved to be a cluster of bats; I should think there were nearly a bushel of them, all hanging upon one another. The [church] was immediately alive with them, and it was likewise instantly full of Indians and soldiers. The poor bats fared hard; it was sport for all hands. . . . I never saw so many bats before nor since, nor indeed in my whole life put all together.” (Martin, p. 118-119.)

  4) Fleming writes the Oneidas “released a tremendous war whoop. Neither the British horses nor the men in the saddles had ever heard anything like it. Horses bolted and dragoons leaped to the ground and ran for their lives.” (Fleming, p. 295.)

  5) The Oneidas did not receive the credit they deserved , both for holding up the main British advance in their initial encounter with the dragoons, and for their part (together with the riflemen) in the rear guard action that followed, allowing Lafayette and the rest of his force to escape General Howe’s trap. (Fleming, p. 297.)

  6) On May 27, the Congress, still sitting in York, approved a raise in officers’ salaries, which turned out to be about half what a British officer of the same rank received. However, the American officers’ pay was not too far above the monthly salaries paid Sergeants and Privates. This was in keeping with “the general idea of equality as stated in the Declaration of Independence. . .” (Fleming, p. 283.)

  By a vote of six states to five, Congress approved the obligation of half pay for seven years for officers who took an oath of loyalty to the government of the United States. (Fleming, p. 283.) The actual oath provided that the named officer,
r />   “do acknowledge the UNITED STATES of AMERICA to be Free, Independent and Sovereign States, and declare that the people thereof owe no allegiance or obedience to George the Third, King of Great Britain; and I renounce, refute and abjure any allegiance or obedience to him; and I do swear that I will, to the utmost of my power, support, maintain and defend the said United States against the said King George the Third, his heirs and successors, and his or their abettors, assistants and adherents, and will serve the said United States in the office of [rank], which I now hold, with fidelity, according to the best of my skill and understanding.” (Allen, p. 43.)

  The oath was then witnessed by another officer who also signed. Ironically, the oath taken by Major General Benedict Arnold was witnessed on May 30th, 1778, at the Artillery Park, Valley Forge by Henry Knox, Brigadier General. (Allen, p. 43.)

  7) For purposes of the plot, I have kept General Knox at Valley Forge and in the field. However, shortly after the British evacuated Philadelphia on June 18th and before the battle of Monmouth Courthouse on June 28th, General Knox and Lucy left Valley Forge and entered the city. He commented that “it stunk so abominably that it was impossible to stay there, as was her first design.” (Drake, p. 56; Fleming, pp. 330-331.)

  When Dr. Benjamin Rush returned to Philadelphia, more than a month after the British had left, “he found dozens of frightened, feverish patients writhing in the summer heat. In September, he himself came down with a fever so severe, he thought he would die. (Fleming, p. 331.)

  Chapter 9 – Bloody Fighting in the Cauldron of Summer 1) The Battle of Monmouth Courthouse took place in blistering heat on June 28th 1778. Temperatures reached over 100 degrees by noon. When the British left Philadelphia and crossed the Delaware at Cooper’s Ferry, now Camden, New Jersey, they were slowed substantially by a baggage train of 1,500 wagons carrying the army’s supplies. As they marched at a snail’s pace northeast heading for Sandy Hook, Washington’s faster moving American Army, which had crossed the Delaware north of Trenton at Coryell’s Ferry, and marched down through Princeton and Englishtown, caught up with the retreating British at the small town of Monmouth Courthouse, today Freehold, New Jersey, on June 27th.

 

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