by David Nasaw
Francis Morrissey, “Frank,” JFK campaign aide, nominee for federal district judge
Frank Murphy, governor of Michigan, Supreme Court justice, Kennedy friend
Paul Murphy, manager of operations, New York City office
Cardinal Eugenio Pacelli, Roman Catholic cardinal, secretary of state for the Vatican (1930–1939), Pope Pius XII (1939–1958)
Cissy Patterson, newspaper editor and owner of Washington Times-Herald
Joseph Patterson, editor of New York Daily News
Drew Pearson, syndicated columnist
Ferdinand Pecora, chief counsel, Senate Committee on Banking and Currency (1933–1934), SEC commissioner
Frances Perkins, secretary of labor (1933–1945)
Arthur B. Poole, business associate, accountant, Pathé, Hearst Corporation
Dave Powers, JFK adviser
Sam Rayburn, representative from Texas (1913–1961), Speaker of the House
James Reston, London journalist with Associated Press, chief diplomatic correspondent for New York Times
Paul Reynaud, prime minister of France (1940)
John J. Reynolds, Kennedy real estate adviser
Joachim von Ribbentrop, German ambassador to London, minister for foreign affairs (1938–1945)
Anna Roosevelt, daughter of President Roosevelt
James Roosevelt, “Jimmy,” son of President Roosevelt, secretary to the president
Carroll Rosenbloom, Baltimore businessman, Palm Beach friend
George Rublee, director of the Intergovernmental Committee on Refugees
Louis Ruppel, journalist with Chicago Times
Howard Rusk, director of the Institute of Physical Medicine and Rehabilitation
Leverett Saltonstall, governor of Massachusetts (1939–1979), senator from Massachusetts (1945–1967)
David Sarnoff, RCA executive, founder of RKO
Joseph Schenck, Hollywood executive
Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., founder of Americans for Democratic Action, historian of JFK presidency, Robert Kennedy biographer
Sir John Simon, chancellor of the Exchequer (1937–1940)
George Smathers, representative from Florida (1947–1951), senator from Florida (1951–1969)
Al Smith, governor of New York (1919–1920, 1923–1928), Democratic presidential candidate (1928)
Theodore Sorensen, “Ted,” speechwriter, chief adviser for JFK
Francis Joseph Spellman, Roman Catholic auxiliary bishop of Boston (1932–1939), archbishop of New York (1939–1967), cardinal (1946–1967)
Adlai Stevenson, governor of Illinois (1949–1953), candidate for president (1952, 1956)
Henry L. Stimson, secretary of war (1940–1945)
Galen Stone, Kennedy mentor, founder of Hayden, Stone & Co.
Gloria Swanson, film star
Herbert Bayard Swope, editor of New York World, Democratic Party adviser, Bernard Baruch friend
Robert A. Taft, senator from Ohio (1939–1953)
Myron Charles Taylor, industrialist, represented United States at Évian Conference, president’s representative to Vatican
Eugene Thayer, Boston and New York banker, Kennedy friend, business associate
Fred Thomson, film star
Joseph F. Timilty, “the Commish,” Boston police commissioner, Kennedy friend
Walter Trohan, journalist with Chicago Tribune
Max Truitt, Maritime Commission, Kennedy friend
Harry S. Truman, president, 1945–1953
Arthur H. Vandenberg, senator from Michigan (1928–1951)
Elisha Walker, Wall Street investment banker, business associate
Henry A. Wallace, vice president (1941–1945), secretary of commerce (1945–1946)
David I. Walsh, senator from Massachusetts (1919–1925, 1926–1947)
Chaim Weizmann, Zionist leader, first president of Israel
Sumner Welles, under secretary of state (1937–1943)
Burton K. Wheeler, senator from Montana (1923–1947)
Thomas J. White, associate of and financial adviser to William Randolph Hearst
Wendell Willkie, Republican candidate for president (1940)
Horace Wilson, adviser to Neville Chamberlain
Stephen Wise, Zionist leader, American Reform rabbi
John Wright, Archbishop Cushing’s secretary, bishop of Worcester, Massachusetts (1950–1959), bishop of Pittsburgh (1959–1969)
Darryl F. Zanuck, Hollywood producer
Adolph Zukor, Hollywood executive
INTRODUCTION
Joseph P. Kennedy was a man of boundless talents, magnetic charm, relentless energy, and unbridled ambition. His life was punctuated by meteoric rises, catastrophic falls, and numerous rebirths, by cascading joys and blinding sorrows, and by a tragic ending near Shakespearean in its pathos. An Irish Catholic from East Boston, he was proud of his heritage but refused to be defined by it. He fought to open doors that were closed to him, then having forced his way inside, he refused to play by the rules. He spoke his mind—when he should not have. Too often, he let his fears speak for him. He was distrustful, often contemptuous of those in power—and did not disguise it. His anger and his hatreds were legendary, especially at those whom he believed had betrayed him.
For the last thirty years of his life—and for more than four decades since his death—Joseph P. Kennedy has been vilified and dismissed as an appeaser, an isolationist, an anti-Semite, a Nazi sympathizer, an unprincipled womanizer, a treacherous and vengeful scoundrel who made millions as a bootlegger and Wall Street swindler, then used those millions to steal elections for his son. Tales of his immoralities, his mischiefs, and his criminal associations have multiplied, one on top of the other, until they have pushed into the background every other aspect of his and his family’s remarkable story. That there is some truth to these allegations is indisputable, but they tell only part of a larger, grander, more complicated history.
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Joseph P. Kennedy grew up the pampered son of a powerful and respected East Boston ward leader and businessman, then crossed the Inner Harbor to Boston Latin, where he led a near charmed life as a star athlete, class president, and boyfriend of the mayor’s very pretty daughter. On graduation, he crossed another body of water, to Cambridge and Harvard College, where, as an Irish Catholic, he found himself for the first time in his life the odd man out.
There were no tortuous journeys of self-exploration. By the time Joe Kennedy left college, he knew who he was: the smartest man in the room, the one who would come out ahead in every negotiation he entered into. His ambition was to secure a place in a major Boston bank or financial house, but such positions, he discovered on graduation from Harvard, were reserved for “proper Bostonians,” not the sons of East Boston Irish Catholic ward leaders. He made the best of the situation by getting a civil service job as an assistant bank examiner. At age twenty-five, he was named president of the East Boston bank his father had helped found. He could have remained there and made a healthy living for himself and his rapidly growing family, but he wanted more and had to leave Boston to find it.
During the 1920s, he was a major player in the nation’s fastest-growing industry, moving pictures, and one of the few Irish Catholics to own or run a studio. The Hollywood he encountered was not a dream factory. It was a town and an industry focused on raising money to finance the transition to sound and organizing itself to repel attempts at censorship. Kennedy arrived as the head of a minor debt-ridden studio and positioned himself as a non-Jewish white knight who would rescue the industry from those who questioned its taste and its morals. He promised to apply a banker’s good sense to making pictures: to cut production costs, raise studio profits, and boost share prices. His rise was meteoric, but he reached too far and traveled too fast. After
only a few years in the industry, he retired—with Gloria Swanson as his mistress and millions of dollars in stock options.
Trusting no one, with no allegiance to any industry or firm or individual or place, he made a fortune in Hollywood, then in New York, buying and selling options, stocks, and bonds in the companies he managed or with which he was associated. Recognizing that the market was oversold, he anticipated the crash of October 1929, shifted the bulk of his fortune into safe havens, then made millions more by selling short into a falling market.
A multimillionaire by the age of forty, his outlook on the world was transformed in the early years of the Depression from one of hopeful expectation to an almost unshakeable pessimism. His fears for the future of capitalism should the Depression deepen prompted him to abandon the private sector in 1932 to campaign for Franklin Roosevelt’s election as president. A conservative banker and stock trader with no experience in national politics, he was the odd man out on the campaign trail and, later, in New Deal Washington. But he forced his way inside. Few government appointments have been as universally condemned as was President Roosevelt’s choice of Joseph P. Kennedy, a Wall Street operator, to be the first chairman of the Securities and Exchange Commission in 1934. And few were as universally acclaimed as Kennedy’s was within months of his assuming his post. His years in Washington as chairman of the SEC, then chairman of the Maritime Commission, were marked by triumph, his reputation as a nonpartisan, truth-telling miracle worker enhanced to the point where he was prominently mentioned as a possible presidential candidate.
He was rewarded for his service in Washington with appointment as ambassador to the Court of St. James’s. The first Irish American to be named to London, with no experience whatsoever to prepare him for the post, he was an outsider again, but this time he reveled in it. His grand successes in business and in government had boosted his already considerable confidence in his own judgment and his understanding of global economics. He would speak the truth as he saw it—and be saluted for it. He would, he was sure, triumph in London, as he had in Hollywood, on Wall Street, and in Washington. He was wrong. Driven, nearly obsessed, by fears that the war on the horizon would, if not prevented, deepen the depression, weaken capitalism and democracy, endanger the fortune he hoped to hand over to his children, and threaten the lives of a generation of young men, including his older boys, and convinced that no one in Washington understood the extent of the danger or how to deal with it, he set his own diplomatic agenda, violated State Department directives with impunity, and dedicated himself to preserving the peace—single-handedly, if necessary.
Already an outlier, he courted new criticism in Washington and London, first as a toady for Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain and the Cliveden set, then as a defeatist, a loud-mouthed Cassandra who believed the Nazis would easily conquer Europe and Great Britain. He returned to Washington in disgrace. He tried to be of service to his country after Pearl Harbor, but there was no place for him in the Roosevelt administration that he believed worthy of his talents.
He took little joy at the cessation of hostilities—his family’s sacrifices had been too great. In the postwar period, his pessimism became more corrosive still, as did his conviction that he had been right all along to oppose the war against the dictators. He stridently, proudly, renewed his calls for appeasement, this time of the Soviet Union, and for isolation from rather than engagement in the world outside the western hemisphere, and did all he could to provoke a “great debate” on the wisdom of fighting a cold war that, he feared, might turn hot at any moment.
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Had Joseph P. Kennedy not been the patriarch of America’s first family, his story would be worth telling. That he was only adds to its drama and historical significance. His primary goal, as a younger man, was to make so much money that his children would not have to make any and could devote their lives to public service. He accomplished that much before he was forty. He took his role as the parent of nine seriously. He was an active, loving, attentive, sometimes intrusive father. He pushed his children forward, gave them advice whether they solicited it or not, gently chided them to do better, taught them to rely on one another, that family was sacred. He raised them to be as confident and as stubborn as he was, and as relentlessly optimistic as he was pessimistic—and, for the most part, they were. They understood his virtues and his vices, adored him for who he was. And they learned to push back, to make their own decisions, including ones he disagreed with.
The Kennedy children would complete the journey from Dunganstown, Ireland, to East Boston to the pinnacle of American political power and social prominence that their father had begun. He would glory in their political and personal triumphs. But the sorrows he endured as a father were as intense as the joys. All his life, he feared for his son Jack, who nearly died of scarlet fever at age two, was continually ill as a child and young man, and was debilitated by pain as an adult. And he feared for his eldest daughter, Rosemary, who, despite the best care his money could buy, never found her way. In the fall of 1940, recognizing that there was no cure for her retardation but advised that a simple operation might make it easier for her to live with it, he arranged a lobotomy that went horribly wrong. In August 1944, almost four years after Rosemary’s operation, he suffered the greatest tragedy of his life when his eldest son and namesake, Joseph P. Kennedy, Jr., was incinerated in a bombing mission off the coast of England. In the spring of 1948, his second daughter, Kick, was killed in a plane crash in France. A decade and a half later, after he had been rendered speechless by stroke, he lost two more sons, this time to assassins’ bullets.
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When Ambassador Jean Kennedy Smith and Senator Edward Kennedy, on behalf of their family, asked me to write a biography of their father, I agreed to do so, but only if I was granted full cooperation, unfettered access to Joseph P. Kennedy’s papers in the John F. Kennedy Presidential Library, including those closed to researchers, and unrestricted permission to cite any document I came across. The family accepted my conditions. No attempts were made to withhold information or to censor this book in any way.
I have spent six years in libraries, archives, and private homes in New York, Boston, Washington, Chicago, London, Los Angeles, Austin, Palm Beach, and Hyannis Port, studying thousands of documents, many of them never seen before by any researcher: unpublished diaries, telephone transcripts, diplomatic dispatches, interviews, oral histories, letters and cables, business memoranda, balance sheets, financial reports, FBI investigations, German diplomatic records, and the secret British Foreign Office “Kennedyiana” files. Research assistants located additional materials for me in Rome, in the Central Zionist Archives in Jerusalem, and at dozens of libraries and archives on three continents. I interviewed Joseph P. Kennedy’s children, grandchildren, relatives, friends, employees, and business associates.
After reading newspaper and magazine accounts and the secondary literature on Joseph P. Kennedy and his family, I put it all aside, and started over again, taking nothing for granted, dissecting every tale and rumor, discarding anecdotal second- and thirdhand observations that I could not substantiate. Because this is the first biography based entirely on the historical evidence and because much of the material that was opened to me has been seen by no one else, the portrait I paint may bear slight resemblance to the ones that have appeared up to now in print or on film.
My goal in The Patriarch has been to narrate the life story of a remarkable man and the history of the turbulent times he lived through, the events he participated in, the men and women with whom he came into contact. We too often write our histories from the viewpoint of the insiders, of the winners. In consigning to the dustbin the views, the ideas, the sorrows, hopes, and fears of those who were forced or chose to remain on the outside, we diminish our pasts, robbing history of its density, its richness, its vitality. In reexamining the life of Joseph P. Kennedy, we relive our recent past and discover in it muc
h we did not know was there.
This is the story of an outsider who forced his way into the halls of power and became both a witness and participant to the major events of the past century: booms, busts, wars and cold war, and the birth of a new frontier. Every biography is at one and the same time the portrait of an individual and of an era. In telling the story of Joseph P. Kennedy, we retell the history of the twentieth century.
PART I
East Boston to Cambridge to Brookline
One
DUNGANSTOWN TO EAST BOSTON
The Kennedy saga, like that of so many American families, begins with an ancestor’s escape from poverty and oppression. Sometime in 1848 or 1849—we are not sure when—Joseph P. Kennedy’s grandfather Patrick emigrated from Dunganstown in County Wexford, in flight from crop failure, famine, and the near genocidal effects of British colonialism.
The potato had been both the salvation and the curse of the Irish. By the 1840s, some million and a half survived on potatoes alone; for another three and a half million (out of a population of eight million), the potato constituted the major source of nourishment. When the harvest was late or the previous year’s crop eaten up—as it often was by late summer—people went hungry. When the harvest failed, people died.
Had the British authorities been more attentive or humane, the potato blight of the 1840s might not have led to such devastation. But Parliament provided insufficient relief for a distant and despised people and then, in June 1847, passed the Irish Poor Law Extension Act, which mandated that already destitute communities raise their own tax moneys for poor relief, not one farthing of which was to go to heads of household renting a quarter acre or more of land. To qualify for relief, starving tenants had to abandon their farms. Those who remained were evicted for failure to pay their taxes. The newly landless who could afford passage off the island emigrated. Large numbers of those who remained behind perished. From 1845 through the early 1850s, more than a million died and two million more, about one quarter of the population, departed for North America.
