by David Boyle
141 Pope Innocent lay in a coma: D. Seward, pp. 63–64.
142 “We’re in the wolf’s jaws”: D. Seward, p. 64.
142 His experience as a construction engineer: These first came to light only in 1943, when a series of letters was found referring to John Cabot Montecalunya. No explanation of the Montecalunya has ever been found, but the discovery of letters from Cabot’s debtors to the authorities in Valencia confirms that he was there at the time. See Ballesteros Gaibros, M. “Juan Caboto en Espana” in Revista de Indias, 1943, Vol. IV, pp. 607–27. The description of the existing jetty is in J. Gil, pp. 77–81.
143 All mention of the Indies: This omission has led some conspiracy theorists to suggest that Columbus was not actually making for the Indies at all.
144 Their special expedition banners: See S. E. Morison, Admiral of the Ocean Sea, pp. 158–59.
144 The ships carried provisions: See F. Fernandez-Armesto, Columbus and the Conquest of the Impossible, p. 83.
146 “so that if the voyage were long”: See S. E. Morison, Portuguese Voyages to the Americas in the Fifteenth Century, p. 199.
146 “The savor of the mornings”: See S. E. Morison, Admiral of the Ocean Sea, p. 201.
146 On a visit to Rome: See Ibid., pp. 137–38. For more than forty years after his death, Pinzón’s family continued a long-running court case in Spain claiming that Columbus had wanted to turn back for home but Pinzón had persuaded him to go on.
147 “Like a little wax candle”: See Ibid., p. 223.
147 “Señor Martin Alonso”: See S. E. Morison, The European Discovery of America:The Southern Voyages, p. 62
147 Columbus took the royal standard ashore: S. E. Morison believed there was really no doubt that this island was the one now known as Watling Island, and that has been the official view. But there are other candidates, both to the north and the south: See essay on landfall controversy by W. E. Washburn, pp. 401f.
147 “and many things of slight value”: S. E. Morison, Admiral of the Ocean Sea, p. 229.
148 “No-one would have believed it”: From Columbus’s published letter to the sovereigns, quoted in Ibid., p. 231.
148 There were some iguanas: See C. Jane (ed.), The Four Voyages of Columbus, Vol. 1 (New York: Dover, 1988), pp. 120–23, quoted in M. de Asua and R. French, p. 3.
150 “I am still determined”: See H. Thomas, p. 107.
150 It was time for Cabot’s second meeting: See J. A. Williamson, The Cabot Voyages, pp. 39–40.
150 It is hard to imagine: There is no absolute proof that Cabot was still in Valencia when Columbus passed through, or that he was in the crowd, but J. A. Williamson, the leading Cabot scholar, believed so. See Ibid., p. 41.
152 “O man of little comprehension”: See S. E. Morison, Admiral of the Ocean Sea, p. 346.
152 As he sailed out of Lisbon harbor: Day was in Lisbon at this time, and this seems like the moment they may have met—if they hadn’t met before—but this is speculation on my part. See D. Quinn, England and the Discovery of America p. 56.
153 “We have seen your letters”: See S. E. Morison, Admiral of the Ocean Sea, p. 355.
155 “By this post I am sending you”: See A. V. G. Arciniegas, p. 145.
155 Across the city: There is a full discussion of this in L. Formisiano.
156 Cabot was also in town: See E. Giuffrida in R. M. Zorzi, p. 69. See also J. A. Williamson, The Cabot Voyages, p. 42f. We do not know whether he was lobbying to lead a voyage himself, but it seems highly likely that he was. Recent evidence about his stay in Seville and his plans for the pontoon bridge are in J. Gil, pp. 77–81.
156 Columbus’s letter to Santangel: The letter to Santangel seems to be identical to another letter written to Gabriel Sanchez, which seems to create confusion in the early editions about who actually held the post of royal treasurer.
157 The Duke of Ferrara understood: See G. Weare, p. 84.
157 “I do not deny it entirely”: See H. Thomas, p. 121.
157 “the famous Columbus”: See S. E. Morison, Admiral of the Ocean Sea, p. 383.
158 Almeida’s argument prevailed: See H. Thomas, p. 132. There is a legend that Almeida did in fact sail and discover Brazil, but that can almost certainly be dismissed.
158 “our dear son Columbus”: See Ibid., p. 133.
158 Inter caetara Divinae : G. Weare, p. 65.
158 “living peaceably and going naked”: G. Weare, p. 65.
159 there was a contingent of hidalgos: See J. Edwards, “Cordoba in the time of Ferdinand and Isabella” in H. J. Hames.
160 Dudum siquidem: See S. E. Morison, Admiral of the Ocean Sea, pp. 372–73.
160 “Martin does nothing”: E. G. Ravenstein, p. 42.
161 Almeida’s fleet was stood down: In a note to the sovereigns after his return from the second voyage, Columbus clearly believed that Almeida’s fleet had actually been dispatched but had failed to find the West Indies. There is, however, no other evidence for this. The main evidence is in G. Zurita. Historia del Ray Don Fernando el Catolico (Saragossa, Spain: 1610), pp. 30–32.
162 “had the genital organ cut to the belly”: See S. E. Morison (ed.), Journals and other Documents, p. 211.
162 Columbus did not stay: See S. E. Morison, Admiral of the Ocean Sea, p. 405.
164 “The fish here”: Quoted in F. Fernandez-Armesto, Columbus on Himself, p. 61.
166 “Gentlemen, I wish to bring”: Quoted in S. E. Morison, Journals and Other Documents, p. 227.
166 There was no gold: H. Thomas, p. 108.
166 He became convinced: M. de Asua and R. French, pp. 4–5.
175 The answer, they believed: The evidence for this voyage is in Michele de Cuneo’s letter, written later in 1495 (see S. E. Morison, Journals and Other Documents, p. 227). He himself did not know the outcome of the voyage, but it seems likely that it never took place. The interruption of Guaniguana’s army and the hurricane seem to have been fatal.
6: HEADING NORTH
176 “I see that the world”: Quoted in P. M. Watts (1985), p. 83.
177 A passerby immediately recognized him: See I. Arthurson, p. 1. See also A. Wroe, pp. 47–48.
178 a small clique of Bristol merchants: The evidence of a discovery in 1494 is a map with annotations, apparently by Cabot’s son Sebastian, that give 1494 as the date, though it is widely but not unanimously agreed that this was a misreading of the Roman numerals for 1497. The evidence that John Day knew about the voyage is in his letter to Columbus, explaining that “men from Bristol” had found land before 1497; see J. A. Williamson, The Cabot Voyages, p. 213.
179 Whatever the merchants: The fact that Cabot was allowed to pursue his enterprise in one tiny ship, which would have to bring back a cargo of fish to pay for the expedition, suggests that only a handful of local merchants backed the voyage. The secretive nature of the previous voyages of discovery suggest that a reason why this might have been, and a reason why it may have been the customs officer Richard Amerike—who had replaced Thomas Croft, who had backed the Trinity voyages—who backed Cabot. But although this is the role set out for Amerike in many recent books, there is actually no evidence that he was formally involved, only the hint in Alwyn Ruddock’s work that she had finally found some link; see E. Jones.
180 Cabot had probably always known: See E. Giufrida in R. M. Zorzi, p. 70.
180 If it was an island: Evidence of this is that the map which was discovered in Paris in 1924, perhaps the one which Columbus presented to Ferdinand and Isabella outside Granada in 1491. The map shows three small islands, similar in shape, grouped together like present-day Newfoundland. They are placed directly to the west of the British Isles, and labeled Antillia. This is clear evidence that Columbus—and therefore probably Cabot—knew about the Bristol voyages and had access to some information about what they had found. See D. Quinn, European Approaches to North America, pp. 28–30.
181 Genoa had been deeply unpopular: This was a bigger disaster than it seems since 128 sailors
might have been about 3 percent of the adult male population of Bristol.
181 His successor, Richard Amerike: The exact role that Amerike played in Cabot’s voyage has never been quite pinned down, though it is a central tenet of what I call the English conspiracy theory (see p. 469) that Amerike was a major backer. And constructing a narrative like this one does imply good reasons why it was Amerike who listened to Cabot when others failed to. Alwyn Ruddock’s mysterious book, destroyed after her death, seems to have uncovered evidence of the role he did play (see p. 345), but that awaits a new generation of researchers to follow her lead.
181 Bristol Broadmead cloth: P. Fleming and K. Costello.
185 “The bishop will use your ships”: F. de Navarette, Colección de los Viajes y Descubrimientos, Vol. II (Madrid: La Imprenta Nacional, 1825–37), p. 199, quoted in A. V. G. Arciniegas, p. 151.
187 “made bets”: B. de las Casas, A Short Account of the Destruction of the Indies. p. 15.
189 “His guilt is written”: C. Varela, La Caida de Cristobal Colon, p. 123.
190 “my agent and special friend” See F. J. Pohl, p. 44.
190 By now Berardi was too weak: See F. Fernandez-Armesto, Amerigo, p. 59.
191 Cabot was in London: There are no records about when he opened negotiations in London, except that the patent was signed early in March 1496. But these things were not arranged quickly.
191 to put their case to the Danish ambassador: H. Harrisse, p. 40.
191 Giovanni Antonio de Carbonariis may have been: See J. A. Williamson, The Cabot Voyages, p. 93, about Carbonariis’s time in Milan. Most of the information about his time in London seems to have been uncovered by Alwyn Ruddock before her death, and the destruction of her findings shortly afterward, so it can’t be absolutely certain. See page 345, but also E. Jones, “Alwyn Ruddock: John Cabot and the Discovery of America,” for more detail. We don’t, of course, know whether Cabot first met Carbonariis in Milan, but it seems likely.
191 Austin Friars, with its dominating spire: W. A. Cater, “The Priory of the Austin Friars 1253–1538,” Journal of the British Archaeological Association, March/June 1912.
192 Playing cards: P. Ackroyd, p. 382.
193 Warbeck was now in Scotland: C. Varela, Ingleses en España y Portugal, 1450–1515, p. 61.
194 “one like Columbus”: See J. A. Williamson. The Cabot Voyages, p. 48. When de Puebla talked about “another Genoese” like Columbus, he knew what he was talking about: He regularly accepted bribes from London’s Genoese community: See G. E. Weare (1897), 112.
195 “To eat.”: See F. Tarducci, p. 10n.
195 When de Puebla was writing: See J. A. Williamson, The Cabot Voyages, pp. 50–51.
196 almost on its side: The modern Matthew was tilted like this in storms in this same region.
196 Robert Thorne and Hugh Elyot: Robert Thorne and Hugh Elyot were the names listed by John Dee as having discovered America in 1494; the date is generally thought to have been a misreading of the Latin numeral LXXXXVII for LXXXXIV. And since we know that Cabot had two Bristol merchants on board, presumably investors, it would explain the statement by Robert Thorne in 1527: “my father, which with another merchant of Bristow named Hugh Elliott discovered the Newfound Landes.” See J. A. Williamson, The Cabot Voyages, pp. 28–29.
197 The crew, even in medieval times: See D. Burwash, English Merchant Shipping, 1460–1540: University of Toronto Press, 1947, pp.60–65; quoted in E. Jones.
198 His other backers: E. Jones, “The Matthew of Bristol and the Financiers of John Cabot’s 1497 Voyage to North America,” English Historical Review, Vol. 121, No. 492, 2006.
198 Henry VII had sent Catherine: See J. A. Williamson, The Cabot Voyages, p. 54.
199 “The more I said”: See F. Fernandez-Armesto, Columbus on Himself, p. 116.
200 “Why, the coasts”: Quoted in Ibid.
200 Columbus began signing his name: F. Streicher.
200 Those disillusioned Franciscans: See R. O. Jones, p. 7.
201 Despite these obstacles: C. Varela, Colon y los Florentinos, p. 57.
202 “Here lies Margot”: See S. E. Morison, Admiral of the Ocean Sea, p. 555.
204 “Be prepared, I tell you, Rome”: See D. Seward, p. 149.
205 wrote to Bartholomew: See S. E. Morison, Admiral of the Ocean Sea, p. 511.
206 island of the Amazons: See J. de Tuleda Buesco, quoted in F. Fernandez-Armesto, Columbus on Himself, p. 11.
207 In the early months: History suggests this delay, but there is no documentary evidence for it. It is also suggested that the pilot who guided the Matthew down the Avon was named James George Ray: See S. E. Morison, The European Discovery of America, The northern voyages 500–1600, p. 167.
209 Cabot named it St. John: There is ambiguous evidence that Cabot’s crew also came across polar bears and large stags and moose, because this was included in the so-called eighth legend on the Paris map, published 1544, which claims to be a copy of one made by Sebastian Cabot, and was discovered by a Bavarian count in 1843. I have followed those historians who have argued for a landing in Nova Scotia, because of Cabot’s overwhelming need to ascertain whether he had encountered a mainland coast running southwest. He seems to have satisfied himself on this enough to sail back northeast, and it seems unlikely that the confusion of Newfoundland and the St. Lawrence River would have made it nearly so clear to him. Day’s descriptions of the tall trees imply Nova Scotia. The Paris map also suggests Cape Breton was the spot: See P. E. Pope.
211 Over the next two weeks: There are only two major sources of information about where the Matthew went next, and they contradict each other. On the one hand, there is Raimondi de Soncino’s letter, which discusses how Cabot will make his way to Cipangu along the coast he found, which implies that he felt sure the coast would lead there—and that meant exploring southwest. On the other hand there is the English merchant John Day, who says that Cabot sailed northeast until he reached the same latitude as Dursey Head in Ireland, when he turned for home. It was possible that Cabot was starting the search that would so obsess the English for the next few centuries—a northwest passage to the East. But it is far more likely, if he was seeking a way to the Indies, that he actually needed to turn south initially, to satisfy himself that this was a continental coastline that went south. I am therefore assuming that Day left out the first part of this journey. Cabot first turned south along the coast, and only then turned around and sailed north the same distance, back to where he had begun and beyond to Newfoundland, and then turned for home. He was erring on the side of safety on this voyage, and that was the safe solution to his basic question. See J. A. Williamson, The Cabot Voyages, pp. 70–71.
211 The Trinity and those other adventures: The interpretation was suggested by the English spy John Day who implied that the previous Bristol explorers had discovered what is today Newfoundland and believed it to be an island, when actually it was a promontory of the mainland. It was an island, in fact, but it was easy to see why they were confused.
212 It was a small whale: See G. E. Weare, p. 110.
213 Cabot’s return journey: The precise dates of Cabot’s voyage were recorded in a Bristol chronicle known as the Fust MS: See J. A. Williamson, The Cabot Voyages, p. 206.
214 Caxton had actually died: B. Weinreb and C. Hibbert, The London Encyclopaedia, revised ed. (London: Macmillan, 1993), p. 970.
214 On August 10: This is the sequence of events that seems to have been set out by Alwyn Ruddock before her death: See E. Jones.
215 The jaw bone of the whale: This entry was republished in the Bristol Observer in 1868, though the original has never been found.
215–16 having been granted his pension: See H. Biggar (ed.), p. 16.
216 a Venetian merchant named Lorenzo Pasqualigo: See J. A. Williamson, The Cabot Voyages, p. 84.
217 Raimondi de Soncino: Ibid., p. 210.
217 “As I have made friends”: Williamson Ibid., p. 211.
218 Diplomats had
various methods: See G. Mattingly, p. 99.
218 We know the great lengths: See for example, A. Cortesao.
218 The merchant king Edward IV: See D. Quinn, “Edward IV and Exploration,” Mariner’s Mirror, July 1935.
219 A generation later: Catherine of Aragon’s marriage papers are from G. Mattingly, p. 147.
219 the English merchant John Day: See Ruddock, A. “John Day of Bristol and the English Voyages across the Atlantic before 1497,” Geographical Journal, June 1966, Vol. 132, Part 2. For Day’s career with Berardi, see C. Varela, Colon y los Florentinos, p. 44. Day eventually inherited a house in London, under his real name of Hugh Say, but lost all his wealth in a legal dispute in 1505.
219 “In payment for some services”: See J. A. Williamson, The Cabot Voyages, p. 214.
219 Inventio Fortunata : It is a pity Day mislaid his, because no copy of this important book has ever come to light since, though the Elizabethan magician John Dee spent years trying to find it. See D. Quinn, England and the Discovery of America, p. 109.
221 “It seemed as if God”: A. R. Scoble (ed.), p. 280.
222 “the verdict in their bosoms”: See D. Seward, p. 229.
222 “a place where every man pissed”: The phrase comes from Philippe de Commines, quoted in J. Norwich, p. 124.
7: STRANGE MEETINGS
223 “The land which God has newly given”: Quoted in F. Fernandez-Armesto, Columbus and the Conquest of the Impossible, pp. 175–76.
223 “God made me the messenger”: Quoted in P. M. Watts, “Prophecy and Discovery: On the spiritual origins of Christopher Columbus’ enterprise of the Indies,” American Historical Review, Vol. 90, No. 1, Feb. 1985.
223 On the one hand: See P. Ackroyd, The Life of Sir Thomas More, pp. 79–83.
224 The accounts we have: See Raymond Soncino’s letter in J. A. Williamson, The Cabot Voyages, p. 210.
224 “The English run after him”: See Pasqualigo letter in Ibid., p. 84.
224 “the land and isles of late found”: Ibid., p. 91.
225 In early May 1498: We have no descriptions of this, and don’t even know the exact date, so the idea that the departure of his fleet would be marked in this way is an assumption of mine. But I believe it is a reasonable one: Expeditions of that size did not set sail without attracting excited interest.
