by Alison Weir
AW: I suppose the enduring image is that created by Charles Laughton in Alexander Korda’s The Private Life of Henry VIII (1933), but it’s the classic caricature, and very far removed from the real Henry. A far better portrayal is that by Keith Michell in the BBC drama series The Six Wives of Henry VIII (1969), followed by a film of the same name. Here is a pretty authentic Henry: an acting tour de force and a delight to watch! Robert Shaw’s portrayal in A Man for All Seasons (1966) was very different but equally convincing.
Did you uncover anything new while you were researching the book?
AW: Yes, quite unexpectedly. I certainly didn’t set out to be controversial, but I discovered a letter written by Henry VIII containing evidence that places a whole new construction on the reasons for Anne Boleyn’s fall. This evidence makes sense of something that historians have puzzled over for centuries: why Henry could have consented to the destruction of a woman he had so greatly desired and loved.
Was Henry VIII the lecher of legend?
AW: Possibly, although if he was, he was very discreet about it. For this reason, we have only fragments of information about his sex life, but I’ve uncovered enough of them to make me revise the opinion I arrived at in my earlier book, The Six Wives of Henry VIII.
One historian has famously described Henry VIII as “that great puppet.” Do you agree with this assessment?
AW: Not at all. Henry was certainly suggestible and sometimes swayed by the opinions of others, but the evidence overwhelmingly suggests that for the most part he remained firmly in control. In fact, he was the one usually doing the manipulating. Given his grasp of affairs, his powerful intellect, encyclopaedic memory, and efficient communications network, it was not easy for any man to rule him. He was the King, and he never let anyone forget it.
HENRY VIII:
A Wonderful Subject for a Biography
By Alison Weir
People ask me—as I often ask myself—why I am so fascinated by Henry VIII, and no doubt there will be those who want to know why I have written another book about him. There’s no doubt that Henry is a perennially charismatic figure—he was larger than life in every sense, he married six times, he led England through a religious revolution, and he elevated kingship to a high art—but I have always felt that there was more to him than this. All too often, Henry VIII is portrayed as a caricature: a fat, overindulgent tyrant who cut off heads at will and chased women with equal fervor.
In writing this new book, I wanted to get as close to the real Henry as possible and to strip away all the myths about him that have built up over the centuries. All too often his story is told from the perspective of his wives or his ministers, but I wished to see events from Henry’s perspective. As a result, I have perhaps arrived at a more sympathetic view of him than most historians, yet if this helps my readers to see Henry as a realistic figure rather than as the popular caricature of legend, then I will consider my work well done.
My new book, Henry VIII: The King and His Court, is not just a biography of the King. During the last two decades, a great deal of research has been done on his court, which was the most magnificent ever seen in England; and through this research, which has made available to the general historian a wealth of unpublished sources, new perspectives on Henry VIII have been gained. Until now, most biographies of him have been political, and those few that were rather more personal focused chiefly on the King himself. My brief has been to set the personal life of Henry against the background of his court, drawing on the recent research and embellishing it in every direction. What interests me—and, I suspect, many of my readers— are the fascinating details of everyday life, both descriptive and anecdotal, that bring into sharp focus a world long gone. This book is packed with them. Woven into a cohesive whole, these details reveal a startlingly clear picture of what life must have been like at court in Henry VIII’s day.
The book I set out to write was to have descriptive, analytical, and narrative elements, and was to be a new portrayal of a subject about which many people no doubt felt there was little more to be said. It was never my intention to be controversial. Yet during the course of my research, I came across one of Henry’s own letters in which I discovered startling information that sheds new light on the fate of Anne Boleyn and demolishes one of the most accepted theories as to why she was executed. It also explains why Henry was able to put to death the woman he had, almost literally, moved Heaven and Earth to marry. Such a discovery was exciting and challenging, and provided answers to many of the questions surrounding Anne’s fall. I realize, however, that some readers may find my conclusions provocative.
What is most interesting to me is that no other writer seems to have picked up on this information. I first read Henry’s letter in a recent biography of Anne Boleyn, and was amazed to find that the author, a respected historian, did not comment on it. But there is no doubt in my mind as to its significance.
Writing this book about Henry VIII, therefore, has involved using newly available material and reinterpreting known sources. Yet how far can we rely on these sources? Every historian knows that some sources are untrustworthy, and those for the reign of Henry VIII are frequently informed by religious bias. Some were written as propaganda, some with an ulterior motive, some were based on misinformation, and some were either attempts at character assassination or plain whitewash jobs! It is always important to look for corroborating evidence and to assess the prejudices of the writer and his/her nearness to events. I have been dealing with Tudor sources for thirty-six years now, and am very familiar with many of them, but one can never afford to be too complacent. The important thing is to read the sources properly and to think seriously about their meaning. Misinterpretation is all too easy. That said, it is important to remember that these events occurred over four centuries ago: two historians, given the same facts, might come up with completely different interpretations and, in the absence of evidence to the contrary, both would be valid. I usually base my conclusions on a balance of probabilities, after having examined as many facts as I can discover.
Researching Henry VIII: The King and His Court was a mammoth task. There is so much information available that it would be impossible to include it all. I have, in fact, used just a quarter of my research for the book. Deciding what is to be included and what is not is often very difficult, but with a subject like this it is all too easy—and pleasurable—to follow lines of research that are not strictly part of the brief. Yet I never feel that my research is wasted, because the advantage of having knowledge of so much background material lends added authority to what I finally write in the text.
I might not sound very disciplined with research, but I am very strict with myself when it comes to planning a book like this. It took me two months to prepare a written plan that extended to every last detail, and in each instance I asked myself if, firstly, each piece of information was relevant to the subject and, secondly, whether it would enrich the book as a whole. As to length, I have to confess that the book is nearly twice as long as it was meant to be, and I can only express my heartfelt gratitude to my publishers for agreeing with me that I could not have done justice to the subject in a shorter work.
It is no easy task to write a personal biography of a Tudor King, or an account of his court, because in the sixteenth century a monarch ruled as well as reigned, and politics was an essential part of the life of the King and the court. Whilst making this clear, I have touched on politics only where necessary. What I have done is to focus on the lives and personalities of Henry’s courtiers, from his queens down to the lowliest scullion, and interwoven them into the narrative. I have also described many of the dramatic events of the reign, emphasizing how they affected the King and the life of the court.
When it came to writing about Henry VIII’s six wives, I constantly bore in mind the fact that I had already written a book about them, and tried to avoid repetition. The details that were repeated were those that were relevant to the new text. I have also
had occasion to revise some of my conclusions in the earlier book, in the light of new research, although I hasten to assure those who have read and enjoyed The Six Wives of Henry VIII that I still stand by most of what I have written in it; if you read this new book, you will see where my views have been revised, and why.
In the current climate, in which the monarchy is no longer very fashionable, I am pleased to see that there remains an abiding interest in the kings and queens of the past. Perhaps it is because their lives were in such contrast to ours: they lived by rigid social and religious rules and mores, whereas we perceive morality as being relative, and being true to ourselves as being more important than social conformity. They dressed according to a strict code governed by status and modesty, whereas for us dress is a matter of self-expression. They lived in an age when class and rank were all-important, while in our egalitarian age we like to think of these things as anachronisms. And lastly, to the Tudors the concept of sexual equality was unknown and against divine and natural law; to us, it is virtually an article of faith. It is therefore fascinating to us, from our modern vantage point, to look back across the centuries and discover how people behaved within constraints that would be utterly alien to most of us.
Furthermore, if power is sexy, then the near-absolute power wielded by a king such as Henry VIII is utterly irresistible, especially when we see beyond the obese, aggressive despot of Holbein’s portraits to the golden, muscular youth who exuded charm and sex appeal, and who excelled at everything he did. That charisma is still perceptible today, even across the lapse of centuries. We are also compellingly fascinated by the fact that, until he became obsessed with privacy, a king like Henry lived his life largely in the public eye—he was never alone or unattended, even when performing his most intimate functions. Yet this diminished him in no way: such was the mystique of royalty that he remained a figure of awe and ever-increasing majesty to all around him. No sovereign before or since has ever held such authority in England, neither has any had such a larger-than-life personality. For these things alone, Henry VIII makes a wonderful subject for a biography, but the real man—as I hope you will discover through reading this book—is even more fascinating.
Reading Group Questions and Topics for Discussion
At the beginning of the reign of Henry VIII, his virtues were extolled by those who served him. How does the adulation the young King initially inspired of the court compare to the subsequent attitudes his courtiers held toward him? In which ways was he burdened by unrealistic expectations? How did the King manipulate his early reputation to his advantage?
It’s an adage that a man can often be judged by the company he keeps. How did this prove true of Henry VIII? How much choice did he have over who comprised the court, and how much of it was determined by external factors (for example, tradition, custom, blood ties, or the influence of others)?
How did the rich physical appearance of the court and his various palaces reflect the way that Henry VIII felt about himself and his place in the world? Why were opulent surroundings, including innovations in architecture, so important to him? How did the physical arrangement of the King’s palaces establish the hierarchy of his courtiers?
What characteristics of a courtier do you think that the King held in highest regard? Which characteristics were undesirable? Can you apply these to advisors of leaders in modern times? In your opinion, which of the King’s courtiers was most successful in serving Henry VIII? Who was the most successful in advancing his own personal interests?
How did the itinerant nature of the court and its constant movement from place to place affect its makeup? How might it have been different—both physically and politically—if it had been permanently situated in one spot?
The Privy Council and the Privy Chamber formed the most elite core of Henry’s courtiers and advisors. Was this similar or different to the setup of the King’s father, Henry VII? What were the differences between the two groups? How did these individuals wield their influence? How did Henry VIII’s mistrust of the gentry shape the court, and how did it prove less constrained by a strict social hierarchy than the outside world as a whole at that time?
At the time of Henry VIII’s kingship, the ideas of the Renaissance were flourishing. Which of these ideas were most influential to the King and his court? How did influential humanists—for example, Petrarch or Sir Thomas More—shape the thoughts and policies of the King? How was the King’s warlike spirit at odds with the opinions of his humanist friends and confidants?
Thomas Wolsey enjoyed a spectacular rise to power, becoming a cardinal who was considered as powerful—or even more—than his master, Henry VIII. Which attributes make him indispensable to the King? How does he arouse antipathy from the others around him? What role does his background, breeding, and personal ambition play in his rise and eventual downfall? What purpose did Wolsey serve for both his friends and his enemies?
How could the King’s favor—or displeasure—toward a courtier affect their fortunes? Examples to discuss could include Cardinal Wolsey, Thomas Cromwell, Archbishop Cranmer, Sir Thomas More, the Duke of Suffolk, Sir Nicholas Carew, and Fray Diego Fernandez.
Henry VIII’s love for Anne Boleyn changed not only the court, but also the path of England. It led to the King’s “Great Matter”—his desire to nullify his marriage to Queen Katherine of Aragon. How did this issue factionalize the court? What issues do you believe it eclipsed, and which did it bring to the forefront? How did the religious climate of the time, and Luther’s 95 Theses in particular, also affect the question of religion?
Anne Boleyn positioned herself as a paragon of virtue and morality. How did this contrast with her ascent to the throne and some of her own personal characteristics? How did her influence compare to that enjoyed by Katherine, and how did pomp and patronage play into her reign? How did the opinion held of her by the courtiers evolve, and how did that compare to public’s view of her? What attributes that initially attracted Henry to her proved to be her undoing?
Thomas Cromwell was the second powerful figure to take precedence in the court of Henry VIII. How did he compare to Wolsey? In which ways did Cromwell wield more influence on the King and on the policies of England than Wolsey? Why? How was his downfall similar to that of Wolsey? How was he merely the victim of his adversaries?
How did the question of succession shape not only Henry VIII’s marriages and liaisons, but also the court in general? How did the birth of Prince Edward affect this? What type of relationship do you believe that Henry’s children by three different mothers enjoyed with one another? In particular, how did the relationship between Mary and Elizabeth thrive? What restrictions were placed upon it?
How did the lavish spending on coronations, palaces, queens, and wartime activity affect the later years of the King? How did he react to the constant scourge of plague and illness?
How was the Reformation of Henry VIII a dividing point between the conservatives and the radicals of his court? How was the Act of Six Articles, which established the doctrine of the Church of England as law, received by both groups? What elements of the Act most reflected Renaissance thinking?
How did Henry’s advisors use the King’s faith to their own advantage, often in ousting their enemies? How did his position of head of the Church influence the King and his way of thinking? In your opinion, how much of his faith was motivated by personal desires (for example, the nullification of his marriages)?
How did the various wives—particularly Katherine of Aragon and Anne Boleyn—wield power and influence? How were they employed to advance the interests of particular courtiers, especially in regard to alliances with other countries? Which causes were advanced by each Queen?
How were at least three of the wives removed from power by the maneuverings of the King, the court, or both? Do you think that the influence enjoyed by women in Henry VIII’s court was unusual based on the gender attitudes of the time? Why or why not?
At the close of his life, Henry
VIII had grown quite ill. How did this affect the day-to-day workings of the court and the King’s advisors? How would you characterize the management style of the King? Would you say that Henry VIII was by nature a laissez-faire manager, or was he merely forced to become one because of his failing health? Why or why not?
Read on for an excerpt from Alison Weir’s
Mary Boleyn
1
The Eldest Daughter
Blickling Hall, one of England’s greatest Jacobean showpiece mansions, lies not two miles northwest of Aylsham in Norfolk. It is a beautiful place, surrounded by woods, farms, sweeping parkland and gardens—gardens that were old in the fifteenth century, and which once surrounded the fifteenth century moated manor house of the Boleyn family, the predecessor of the present building. That house is long gone, but it was in its day the cradle of a remarkable dynasty; and here, in those ancient gardens, and within the mellow, red-brick gabled house, in the dawning years of the sixteenth century, the three children who were its brightest scions once played in the spacious and halcyon summers of their early childhood, long before they made their dramatic debut on the stage of history: Anne Boleyn, who would one day become Queen of England; her brother George Boleyn, who would also court fame and glory, but who would ultimately share his sister’s tragic and brutal fate; and their sister Mary Boleyn, who would become the mistress of kings, and gain a notoriety that is almost certainly undeserved.
Blickling was where the Boleyn siblings’ lives probably began, the protective setting for their infant years, nestling in the broad, rolling landscape of Norfolk, circled by a wilderness of woodland sprinkled with myriad flowers such as bluebells, meadowsweet, loosestrife, and marsh orchids, and swept by the eastern winds. Norfolk was the land that shaped them, that remote corner of England that had grown prosperous through the wool-cloth trade, its chief city, Norwich—which lay just a few miles to the south—being second in size only to London in the Boleyns’ time. Norfolk also boasted more churches than any other English shire, miles of beautiful coastline and a countryside and waterways teeming with a wealth of wildlife. Here, at Blickling, nine miles from the sea, the Boleyn children took their first steps, learned early on that they had been born into an important and rising family, and began their first lessons.
