by Alan Sewell
When the Cabinet sat back down, sixty-seven year old John C. Crittenden --- a former Senator, Governor of Kentucky, Attorney General, and now the elder statesman of the Confederate Union Congress --- spoke.
“Thank you, Mr. President. You have admirably explained why the doctrine of State Sovereignty does not apply to the Rebellion at the North. May I suggest that you make this case directly to the people, beginning with a speech in New York City?”
“Yes, that’s what we need,” concurred Secretary of the Navy Caleb Cushing. “Our voters in the Rebel States must not for a moment believe that we will abandon them to the traitors of the Republican Party.”
“We must defeat Mr. Lincoln’s pen as well as his sword,” agreed Pendleton.
Davis nodded. “Then I will go to New York as soon as practicable and speak against Mr. Lincoln’s sugarcoating of the poison of Rebellion.
“Now let’s turn our attention to the military situation. General Lee and the Secretary of War have proposed a reorganization of our high command. I concur with their proposal. General Lee shall resume his position as General of the West, commanding our forces between the Appalachians and the frontier. Lee, at his own request, has been relieved as General of the Armies, because he viewed that position as an encumbrance to his field command.
“Mac will take the field as Commanding General of the Department of the East. Assistant Secretary of War Stanton will move up to take Mac’s place.
“We don’t want to alert the Insurgents that we’re planning new campaigns this year, so I would like your tentative approval of these changes sub silento. We will present them to the full Senate for confirmation after our next campaigns are underway in October.”
“I think these changes will be beneficial,” said Kentucky’s Senator John Breckinridge, whose flamboyant youth contrasted with his fellow Kentuckian Crittenden’s. “I’m pleased to learn that General Lee will remain in the field. I had been under the impression that he had been designated to bear the opprobrium for our defeat in the East, in a campaign he had nothing to do with organizing.”
“The fault is exclusively mine,” said Davis. “I should not have asked Lee to command the armies collectively as well as individually. That mistake has been rectified. General Lee will return to the field and remain there.”
“I, too, will anticipate gratifying results from these changes,” said Senator R.M.T. Hunter of Virginia. “Now, may I ask the Secretary of War to please tell us what happened at Gettysburg? I don’t think I shall want to entirely rely on what the newspaper editors are saying about it!”
Davis motioned for McClellan to speak.
McClellan looked up from his papers. “Mr. President, Vice President, and fellow members of the Union Cabinet: Senator Hunter is certainly right: victories speak for themselves; defeats must be explained and steps taken to insure that they do not happen again. At any rate that’s what the newspaper editors keep telling us!”
Most of the men groaned. The newspaper editorials had not been kind either to the government or to General Lee.
“However, we must not discount our significant successes in the West. The Rebels sought to push us entirely out of the Northwest. They sought to make St. Louis their fulcrum to lever us out of Missouri. With full control of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and Missouri, they imagined that they would be able to restore overland communication to the Pacific Coast and thereby incite their partisan friends in Oregon and California to join them in treason. I don’t need to tell you how formidable their rebellion would have become if they had succeeded in advancing their frontiers to these lines.”
McClellan allowed the Cabinet a moment to contemplate that point.
“But they did not succeed,” he sternly reminded them. “Their hold on St. Louis has been broken. The insurgent leader, Captain Lyon, has forfeited his despicable life. Those who rallied to his treasonous standard have gone with him into the Infernal Regions.
“We have likewise defeated their attempts to drive us out of Illinois and Indiana, thanks to the inspired leadership of Blackjack Logan, Sterling Price, and General Harney. General Lee will now return to the West to complete the work of suppressing the Rebels in Illinois and Indiana. That will isolate the insurgency in Wisconsin, Minnesota, Iowa, and Kansas from its centers to the east.”
“Good!” exclaimed Illinois Senator William Richards. “Illinois and Indiana are our states. We won them fair and square in the election. The Rebels have no claim whatsoever on them.”
“The Rebels don’t have claim to any state,” Davis reminded him.
“Now to the East,” McClellan continued. “Our plan there was to deceive the Rebels in Philadelphia by fixing their attention on feints from Wilmington and New York. General Lee was to make the main advance through Harrisburg, seizing the rolling stock there and then moving swiftly into Philadelphia from the west. We hoped to surprise and capture the enemy’s forces before they had time to organize their defense, thereby avoiding the destruction of property and loss of life that accompanied the house-to-house fighting in St. Louis. Lee was then to advance into New Jersey and capture the Rebels in their siege lines around New York. He was to combine forces with Joe Johnston and advance on into New England to break the back of the Rebellion.”
“A well-conceived plan,” acknowledged Senator Hunter.
“It was well-considered,” agreed McClellan, “but in the interest of celerity we had to execute it with insufficiently trained men. In the event, our movement toward Harrisburg was disrupted by Fremont’s reconnaissance through Chambersburg. He commanded a small force of cavalry, but they were screened by the mountains and struck our men from an unexpected direction. Our men panicked, as green troops are prone to doing when taken by surprise.”
The Union Cabinet murmured as they tried to envision the chaos resulting from Fremont’s unexpected attack. McClellan continued reading from his notes.
“Upon being informed of the fighting around Gettysburg, Free State officers moved their men out of Philadelphia. They attacked around the east side of our lines from the direction of Lancaster. They met Fremont’s men attacking from the west and effected an envelopment. Fortunately, Colonel Thomas Jackson, held in reserve, was able to break the envelopment, allowing General Lee and many of our men to escape. We nevertheless lost over three thousand men. About three hundred are presumed killed, the rest wounded or captured.”
“Why weren’t Albert Johnston and Joe Johnston able to capture Philadelphia when the Rebels pulled their men out of there to fight Lee?” asked Breckinridge.
“They did attempt to relieve the pressure on our men at Gettysburg by converting their feints into real attacks.” McClellan explained. “But the fortunes of war went against them. Albert Johnston’s attack from Wilmington broke down when he was mortally wounded. Joe Johnston’s attack through the enemy’s lines around New York achieved some initial successes. He exploited openings made by his artillery bombardment to advance as far as the outskirts of Trenton. But his attack also faltered when he was severely wounded. He had to be left behind on the field. Even if we should get him back in a prisoner exchange, his wounds will not permit his return to command during this campaigning season.”
“Will we be able to resume the offensive in the East this year?” asked Speaker of the House William English of Indiana. “Our defeat has encouraged defections of our Congressmen from Ohio and Pennsylvania. They’re afraid that we’ll make a negotiated peace that will allow Ohio and Pennsylvania to go out of the Confederate Union. They don’t want to be on the losing side.”
McClellan started to answer that question but Davis cut in first.
“Tell them not to worry” Davis answered stonily. “We will prosecute the war against the Free State Rebels until we have re-established the National Authority over every inch of our territory, East and West, North and South.”
4
Executive Mansion, Harrisburg Pennsylvania August 9, 1861
“A toast to our heroes,” exclaimed
Mrs. Jesse Benton Fremont, raising her wineglass. “To my husband who won the victory at Gettysburg, and to our President who has come here to inspire the nation with it!”
The others around Pennsylvania Governor Curtin’s table raised their glasses too. Even Mrs. Lincoln, who thought of Jessie Fremont as a loud-mouthed hussy, raised her glass cheerfully.
Mr. Lincoln, who rarely consumed alcohol, politely touched his glass to his lips, tasting a drop of the wine. “Thank you, Mrs. Fremont, you are most gracious. I fretted that the circumstances of my replacing John as President might come between us.”
“Oh, no, Mr. President!” exclaimed Mr. Fremont. “You had nothing at all to do with that. And I tell you truthfully, I no longer wanted that job. My destiny is to lead men in battle, and I believe that events have borne me out on that!”
Polite laughter acknowledged Fremont’s graciousness and his heroism.
“Let us not forget to toast the true heroes of our victory,” Fremont continued. “Forty-four who came with me have departed this world. Another hundred have been discharged with crippling wounds too severe to allow them to continue in service. And a hundred others are laid up with lesser wounds. Even victories cannot be had without cost.”
They raised their glasses to toast the fallen men. “That cost includes you, John,” Mr. Lincoln reminded Fremont. “Please take care not to be too far out in front in the future. We’ve already lost Ellsworth and Lyon. We can’t win this fight if we lose our most capable leaders at the outset.”
“We won’t win unless our commanders are out there in front leading our men to victory,” Fremont answered. “A commander must show his men that he is not afraid.”
“Fear has no part of your character,” Lincoln acknowledged. “But your life is indispensable to our cause. Please take care with it.”
Fremont raised his glass again. “And let’s not forget to toast Governor Curtin. He called up the loyal Free State men to fill the ranks of our militias. He appointed Meade, Reynolds, Sumner, Warren, and me to command the men. He kept the railroads open into Philadelphia when the companies wanted to transfer their rolling stock away from the front. He said he’d confiscate their trains and run the railroads himself if they tried to abandon their operations without his permission!”
“Well, Governor,” Lincoln said playfully, “I never knew you were a railroad man!”
“The railroad companies needed a little persuasion to buck up their courage to stay here, that’s all,” Curtin explained.
“Your ‘persuading’ them, by whatever means, has kept them here,” Lincoln assured him. “If they had been allowed to pull up stakes and leave, Meade and Reynolds couldn’t have gotten their men to Gettysburg in time. You won this battle as much as anyone and deserve your full share of credit.”
“I was only doing my duty, Mr. President,” replied the modest Curtin.
Mrs. Lincoln winked at the Governor then said to her husband, “Father, when you speak at Gettysburg you must let the nation know what a wonderful hero we have here in Governor Curtin. He has set the standard for all our other Free State governors to follow!”
“The nation is gratified by what you two have accomplished together here,” Mr. Lincoln said to Curtin and Fremont. “Your cooperation should be an example to all.” He shook his head. “We have too many military men and politicians whose concern does not venture beyond their own self-interest. It troubles me to no end to see our leaders squabbling among themselves when freedom itself is at stake.”
When dinner finished the ladies retired to the parlor and the men to the Governor’s study. After the men had selected their after-dinner drinks, and Fremont had selected his cigar, Curtin dismissed the servant and closed the door.
“How are things in Pennsylvania now?” Lincoln asked Curtin. “Are the Douglas men in the coal mining counties still giving you trouble?”
“The defeat of their Confederate friends at Gettysburg has quieted them down,” replied Curtin. “They are back working the mines and not making any trouble for us at the moment.”
Lincoln turned to Fremont. “John, when do you think you’ll be able to get back in the field?”
“The doctor says the bone will set in two weeks. But I can take the field now so long as I ride in a wagon where I can stretch my arm out.”
“Then get your wagon ready. Tomorrow at Gettysburg I will announce your appointment as General Commanding the Eastern Department. You will command our forces in Pennsylvania, New York, New Jersey, and New England. Congress will have to confirm the appointment, of course, but I’ve been assured there will be no difficulty with that.”
“Thank you, Sir!” exclaimed Fremont. “You may be sure that I will prove worthy of your confidence.”
“There could be no other choice. Your victory saved our country. After losing St. Louis I don’t believe we could have withstood the loss of Philadelphia.”
Lincoln paused a moment to drink a sip of tea. “John, I am being advised ---- and my own poor mite of military sense leads men to concur --- that we should capitalize on our victory at Gettysburg to strengthen our hold on New Jersey, with a view towards gaining control of New York City. I am hoping that the Confederates will now come to their senses and make peace with us, recognizing an international boundary that puts all of New York and New Jersey within our limits.”
Mr. Lincoln waved his arm expressively towards Fremont. “To obtain possession of New York and New Jersey by negotiation, we must convince the Confederates that they will not be able to hold them by force. So let’s start on the ‘convincing’ now. Upon assuming command of the East tomorrow we’d like you to organize an expedition to the New Jersey coast to keep the Confederates from making a landing there. We want you to tighten our grip over New Jersey so that the Confederates are confined within the perimeter they have constructed around New York.
“If the Confederates do not make peace with us, on the basis of recognizing our independence, then I will issue a proclamation prohibiting trade with them. That will include all the territory they control, including New York City. We will stop selling the New Yorkers food and coal. We will divert our foreign trade to the Canadian port of Montreal. Perhaps they will take a more sober view of where their true interests lie if they see the prospect of a cold and hungry --- and profitless --- winter staring them in the face.”
“We shouldn’t be trading with people who are making war against us,” agreed Fremont. “New York’s businesses are facilitating the commerce of the Confederate Union. They are underwriting its bonds and paying taxes to sustain its government. So why should they be allowed to profit from our trade?”
“Our Republican friends over there don’t seem to be any more principled than the Democrats, do they?” asked Curtin. “It makes no difference to them that their business is helping to sustain the Slave State war against us.”
“As long as they’re able to profit by trading with both sides they’ll do it,” Lincoln answered. “But, like John said, that has to stop. New Yorkers must be forced to decide whether to cast their lot with their Free State friends or with the slave interests in the so-called Confederate Union. They must decide whether the Confederates can keep them supplied with food, coal, and commerce better than we can.”
“I understand,” said Fremont. “My first order will be to appoint Reynolds the commanding officer of the Military District of Southern New Jersey. He will lead an expedition to occupy our side of the Delaware extending to Cape May. I’ll see to the strengthening of our lines in Northern New Jersey under Warren’s command. But I also have something else in mind.”
Fremont paused for effect.
“What is it?” Lincoln finally asked.
“Our men have taken control of the two northernmost counties of Virginia, in the strip that juts up past Pittsburgh. About four hundred slaves have been brought without our lines. Should you not set them free by executive proclamation? That would send a bolt of lighting into the fence the New Yorkers are sitting on. It
would make them understand that this war is about freedom and not just about whether they’re going to be governed from Washington or Cleveland.
“We should also be advancing down the Kanawha, the Shenandoah, and into Delaware and Maryland. We should be arming the slaves and enlisting them in our army. Instead of waiting for the Confederate Union to attack us here, let’s make them defend their territory. Let’s make them garrison every slave plantation within a hundred miles of the military frontier. Then let’s see how many men they have left to attack us.”
Lincoln was startled by the boldness of Fremont’s plan. “You don’t think small, do you, John?” He sighed. “As much as I would like to follow your idea of freeing the slaves who come within our reach, I think it best that we say nothing about it for the time being. I would like to make a serious attempt in good faith to negotiate our way out of the Confederate Union. That will not succeed if we inflame the Confederates by freeing the slaves inside our lines in northwestern Virginia or at any other point where we may advance.”
Lincoln cut Fremont off before he could object. “Nevertheless, I will take your suggestion under advisement. If there is no negotiated peace within ninety days I will give my utmost consideration to announcing the liberation of slaves held within our lines.”
Fremont made no reply. I will find some way, by hook or by crook, to liberate the slaves within my reach. Not only will this advance my personal fortunes, but it is the right thing to do. It will throw the Confederates into a panic and cause them to divert their men into garrisoning their slave plantations instead of coming after us. Once Mr. Lincoln understands the wisdom of this policy he will endorse it.
That ended the political discussion. For the rest of the evening Fremont regaled Lincoln and Curtin with stories about the battle at Gettysburg, in particular how his surprise attack had panicked the unprepared Confederates and sent them scurrying back across the Maryland line.
