39. Hamilton, Leper King, p. 124.
40. WT, 21.9(10)–10(11), pp. 974–6; Ibn al-Athir, part 2, pp. 249–50.
41. See J. Dunbabin, ‘William of Tyre and Philip of Alsace, Count of Flanders’, Mededelingen var de Koninklijke Academie voor Wetenschappen, Letteren en Schone Kunsten van België: Klasse der Letteren, 48 (1986), 110–17, and M.R. Tessera, ‘Philip Count of Flanders and Hildegard of Bingen: Crusading against the Saracens or Crusading against Deadly Sin?’, in Gendering the Crusades, ed. S.B. Edgington and S. Lambert, Cardiff, 2001, pp. 77–93.
42. Ibn al-Athir, part 2, p. 249.
43. WT, 21.19(20)–20(21), pp. 987–9.
44. WT, 13(14), p. 980. See Hamilton, ‘Elephant of Christ’, p. 100.
45. Ibn Shaddad, p. 54.
46. Ibn al-Athir, part 2, pp. 253–4.
47. See R. Röhricht, Beitrage zur Geschichte der Kreuzzüge, vol. 2, Berlin, 1878, n. 45, pp. 127–8. Tr. Barber and Bate, Letters from the East, no. 38, pp. 72–3. See Mitchell, Medicine in the Crusades, pp. 108–23, for weapon injuries sustained in battles like this. Many recovered if they escaped infection.
48. B.Z. Kedar, ‘A Twelfth-Century Description of the Jerusalem Hospital’, pp. 7, 21.
49. WT, 21.19(20)–23(24), pp. 987–94.
50. Cart., vol. 1, no. 558, pp. 378–9; ULKJ, vol. 2, no. 407, pp. 693–7.
51. See M. Barber, ‘Frontier Warfare in the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem: The Campaign of Jacob's Ford, 1178–9’, in The Crusades and their Sources: Essays Presented to Bernard Hamilton, ed. J. France and W.G. Zajac, Aldershot, 1998, pp. 2–22.
52. See Chapter 10, p. 250.
53. Excavation shows very clearly that a great deal of work remained to be done: see R. Ellenblum, ‘Frontier Activities: The Transformation of a Muslim Sacred Site into the Frankish Castle of Vadum Jacob’, Crusades, 2 (2003), 91–3, and Crusader Castles and Modern Histories, pp. 261–74
54. See Ellenblum, ‘Frontier Activities’, 83–92. Ellenblum believes that the construction of Hunin (Chastel Neuf) at about the same time was much less provocative, since it was seen as being within Christian territory.
55. WT, 21.26(27), p. 999.
56. Ibn al-Athir, part 2, p. 262.
57. WT, 21.28(29), pp. 1001–2; Ibn al-Athir, part 2, p. 264. The death of William's brother, Ralph, in this engagement must have coloured his view of the master, p. 1002n., and Mayer, Die Kanzlei, vol. 1, p. 172. See G.A.M. d'Albon, ‘La mort d'Odon de Saint-Amand, Grand maître du Temple’, Revue de l'Orient latin, 12 (1909–11), 279–82.
58. WT, 21.29(30), pp. 1003–4.
59. ‘Imad al-Din, in Abu Shama, vol. 4, pp. 205–6.
60. See Chapter 10, p. 253.
61. Philip II was crowned on 1 November 1179, aged fourteen, but Louis did not die until 19 September 1180, a situation that produced a prolonged period of uncertainty as the powerful barons of France manoeuvred for position. See J.W. Baldwin, The Government of Philip Augustus: Foundations of French Royal Power in the Middle Ages, Berkeley, 1986, pp. 3–17.
62. Ernoul-Bernard, p. 60; ULKJ, vol. 2, no. 423, p. 720 (March 1181). Sibylla had become countess of Jaffa when she married William of Montferrat in 1176.
63. See S. Painter, ‘The Lords of Lusignan in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries’, Speculum, 32 (1957), 27–47, and Chapter 10, p. 240.
64. WT, 22.26(25), p. 1050.
65. Roger of Howden, Chronica, vol. 1, ed. W. Stubbs, RS 51, London, 1869, pp. 273–4; William of Newburgh, vol. 1, 3.16, p. 255. Roger was a royal clerk between 1174 and 1189–90, and took part in the Third Crusade in 1190–1. Thereafter he remained mainly in his parish at Howden in Yorkshire. He wrote the Chronica in the decade between 1192 and 1202.
66. WT, 22.1, p. 1007. As close kin, Raymond and Bohemond could legitimately expect some role in the choice of a husband for Sibylla.
67. Ernoul-Bernard, pp. 56–60. See Baldwin, Raymond III, pp. 35–40, and Hamilton, Leper King, pp. 151–8, for interpretations of these complicated events.
68. See Hamilton, Leper King, p. 158.
69. WT, 21.17(18), p. 986, for Maria's remarriage.
70. WT, 22.5, p. 1012.
71. See Hamilton, Leper King, pp. 160–2. Agnes of Courtenay topped off this triumph when she obtained the lordship or usufruct of Toron from Baldwin IV in c.1183, although the king retained Chastel Neuf. See Mayer, ‘Die Legitimität’, 69–71. However, it should be noted that the lordship was much reduced by this time; most importantly, Banyas had been lost in 1164. See Chapter 10, p. 240.
72. WT, 21.9(10), p. 974; 22.4, pp. 1011–12. Ernoul was a squire or page of Balian of Ibelin at this time and was probably in his teens when these events took place. There is no definitive text, but this story is found in two versions, one of which provides much more detail than the other; Ernoul-Bernard, pp. 82–7 (the longer version) and La Continuation de Guillaume de Tyr (1184–1197), ed. M.R. Morgan, Documents relatifs à l'histoire des croisades publiés par l'Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, Paris, 1982, c. 38, pp. 50–1. See Hamilton, Leper King, pp. 7–11, for a concise discussion of these texts.
73. See B.Z. Kedar, ‘The Patriarch Eraclius’, in Outremer: Studies in the History of the Crusading Kingdom of Jerusalem Presented to Joshua Prawer, ed. B.Z. Kedar, H.E. Mayer and R.C. Smail, Jerusalem, 1982, pp. 177–89; P.W. Edbury and J.G. Rowe, ‘William of Tyre and the Patriarchal Election of 1180’, English Historical Review, 93 (1978), 1–25; Edbury and Rowe, William of Tyre, pp. 20–2; Hamilton, Leper King, pp. 96–7, 162–3.
74. Since the publication of M.W. Baldwin's Raymond III of Tripolis in 1936, the idea of the development of two factions consisting of a ‘court party’ and one of ‘native barons’ has become well established: see especially pp. 44–5. However, this interpretation was effectively picked apart by Peter Edbury, ‘Propaganda and Faction in the Kingdom of Jerusalem: The Background to Hattin’, in Crusaders and Muslims in Twelfth-Century Syria, ed. M. Shatzmiller, Leiden, 1993, pp. 173–89. There were certainly deep-seated rivalries and resentments in Jerusalem in the 1180s, but they do not accord with Baldwin's presentation.
75. WT, 22.1, pp. 1007–8.
76. See R. Ellenblum, ‘Frankish and Muslim Siege Warfare and the Construction of Frankish Concentric Castles’, in Dei gesta per Francos: Etudes sur les croisades dédiées à Jean Richard, ed. M. Balard, B.Z. Kedar and J. Riley-Smith, Aldershot, 2001, pp. 187–98, and Crusader Castles and Modern Histories, pp. 62–72, 231–57.
77. WT, 22.2, p. 1008.
78. WT, 22.5, p. 1012, 22.11(10)–14(13), pp. 1020–5. See Hamilton, ‘Manuel I Comnenus and Baldwin IV’, pp. 371–5.
79. Bohemond's first wife was Orgollosa of Harim, whom he had married sometime before 1170: RRH, no. 478, p. 125. She is last mentioned in February 1175: RRH, no. 523, p. 139. It must therefore be assumed that Bohemond was a widower when he married Theodora, an event that is conventionally dated to c.1177. Bohemond's eventual heir, Bohemond IV (prince of Antioch from 1201), was his second son by Orgollosa. On the circumstances of the marriage to Theodora, see Hamilton, ‘Manuel I Comnenus and Baldwin IV’, pp. 365–6.
80. WT, 22.5–7, pp. 1012–16; Michael the Syrian, 21.2, pp. 388–9, who calls Sibylla a prostitute. See Hamilton, ‘Aimery of Limoges’, 277–8.
81. WT, 22.10(9), pp. 1019–20.
82. WT, 22, 15(14)–16 (15), pp. 1026–30; Ibn al-Athir, part 2, pp. 281–2.
83. WT, 22.19(18), p. 1034. This was not a permanent fleet, but one put together to meet this crisis. William of Tyre was surprised that it had been done in only a week.
84. WT, 22.18(17)–19 (18), pp. 1032–6; Ibn al-Athir, part 2, pp. 283–4. See Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, pp. 165–72
85. WT, 22.20(19)–24(23), pp. 1037–43; Ibn al-Athir, part 2, pp. 284–8; Ibn Shaddad, pp. 57–8. See Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, pp. 173–85.
86. WT, 22.24(23), pp. 1043–6. William quotes directly from the decree, in which the words used are de communi omnium principum tam ecclesiaticorum quam secularium et de a
ssensu universe plebes regni Ierosolimorum.
87. See B.Z. Kedar, ‘The General Tax of 1183 in the Crusading Kingdom of Jerusalem: Innovation or Adaptation?’, English Historical Review, 89 (1974), 339–45.
88. A clerical gathering of this size further suggests that the letter was written soon after the general council of 1183.
89. N. Jaspert, ‘Zwei unbekannte Hilfsersuchen des Patriarchen Eraclius vor dem Fall Jerusalems (1187)’, Deutches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters, 60 (2004), no. 1, pp. 508–11. Tr. Barber and Bate, Letters from the East, no. 39, pp. 73–5.
90. Jaspert, ‘Zwei unbekannte Hilfsersuchen’, 494–5.
91. Quoted by Ibn al-Athir, part 2, p. 294. See Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, pp. 195–200.
92. WT, 22.25(24), pp. 1046–7; Ibn al-Athir, part 2, pp. 293–5; Ibn Shaddad, pp. 59–60
93. WT, 22.26(25), pp. 1048–50.
94. Ibn Shaddad, p. 61; Abu Shama, vol. 4, pp. 244–8, quoting ‘Imad al-Din and al-Fadil.
95. WT, 22.28(27), p. 1053. ‘Imad al-Din says the Franks had 1,500 knights, the same number of turcopoles, and 15,000 foot soldiers: Abu Shama, vol. 4, p. 245.
96. WT, 22.27(26)–28(27), pp. 1050–5. See Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, pp. 205–8.
97. WT, 22.30(29), p. 1057.
98. In the fighting in Galilee in 1182, Baldwin had about 700 knights at his disposal: WT, 22.17(16), p. 1031.
99. WT, 22.28(27), p. 1054. They had crossed the Jordan inconsiderate nimis.
100. See R.C. Smail, ‘The Predicaments of Guy of Lusignan, 1183–87’, in Outremer: Studies in the History of the Crusading Kingdom of Jerusalem Presented to Joshua Prawer, ed. B.Z. Kedar, H.E. Mayer and R.C. Smail, Jerusalem, 1982, pp. 164–72.
101. WT, 22.30(29), pp. 1057–9. William says that Raymond of Tripoli would be the ideal person to replace Guy as bailli, but Hamilton argues that this did not occur until late 1184 or, more probably, early 1185: Leper King, pp. 194–5, 205. See Chapter 11, p. 289.
102. WT, 23.1, p. 1062; Cont. WT, c. 1, p. 17.
103. See Chapter 11, p. 268.
104. See Chapter 7, p. 163.
105. Ibn Shaddad, p. 74. William of Tyre, 22.15(14), p. 1026, however, saw this as a pretext for holding the pilgrim ship which had been blown towards Damietta in the spring of that year, and mentions only that Reynald had seized ‘certain Arabs’.
106. See C. Hillenbrand, ‘The Imprisonment of Reynald of Châtillon’, in Texts, Documents and Artifacts: Islamic Studies in Honour of D.S. Richards, ed. C.F. Robinson, Leiden, 2003, pp. 79–101, and Hamilton, ‘Elephant of Christ’, pp. 97–108.
107. Abu Shama, vol. 4, quoting ‘Imad al-Din, pp. 230–2, and al-Fadil, pp. 232–5; Ibn al-Athir, part 2, pp. 289–90.
108. Ernoul-Bernard, p. 103, says that Saladin desisted from bombarding the tower in which the marriage celebrations were taking place, following an appeal by Stephanie of Milly, who had held him in her arms when he was a child hostage. This must be a romantic fiction, since Saladin was at least eight when Stephanie was born. It does indicate, however, how quickly the image of ‘the chivalrous Saracen’ developed around Saladin.
109. WT, 22.29(28), pp. 1055–7, 31(30), pp. 1059–60; Ibn al-Athir, part 2, pp. 297–8; Ibn Shaddad, p. 62.
110. WT, 23.1, pp. 1062–4. Tr. Babcock and Krey, vol. 2, p. 507. Lying behind this quarrel may have been Baldwin's desire to dissolve Guy and Sibylla's marriage, which Eraclius could not do under canon law.
111. William's phrase is principum ex parte plurima, which suggests there was opposition.
112. The chronology of events is not, however, very clear. William's narrative places them soon after the council at Acre in the spring of 1184, but Bernard Hamilton argues that the attack on the Bedouin occurred after 6 October and that Raymond was probably not appointed bailli before early 1185: Leper King, pp. 203–5.
113. See Mayer, Die Kanzlei, vol. 1, pp. 242–52.
114. Cont. WT, c. 39, pp. 51–2. The whole story may be fiction (see Kedar, ‘Patriarch Eraclius’, pp. 178–80), but both Edbury and Rowe, William of Tyre, pp. 20–1, and Hamilton, Leper King, pp. 199–201, think there may be some truth in the excommunication, but not the poisoning, although they differ in their dating.
115. See H.E. Mayer, ‘Zum Tode Wilhelms von Tyrus’, Archiv für Diplomatik, 5–6 (1959–60), 182–201; R. Hiestand, ‘Zum Leben und zur Laufbahn Wilhelms von Tyrus’, Deutsches Archiv, 34 (1978), 351.
116. See P.W. Edbury, ‘The Lyon Eracles and the Old French Continuations of William of Tyre’, in Montjoie: Studies in Crusade History in Honour of Hans Eberhard Mayer, ed. B.Z. Kedar, J. Riley-Smith and R. Hiestand, Aldershot, 1997, pp. 139–53.
117. History of William Marshal, ed. A.J. Holden, tr. S. Gregory, introd. D. Crouch, Anglo-Norman Text Society, vol. 1, London, 2002, ll. 7275–95, pp. 370–1. For the circumstances and dating, see D. Crouch, William Marshal: Court, Career and Chivalry in the Angevin Empire, London, 1990, pp. 49–53.
118. See Riley-Smith, Knights of St John, pp. 64–5, and N. Jaspert, ‘The Election of Arnau de Torroja as Ninth Master of the Knights Templar (1180): An Enigmatic Decision Reconsidered’, in Actas do V Encontro sobre Ordens Militares, ed. I.C.F. Fernandes, Colecção Ordens Militares, 2, Palmela, 2009, pp. 371–97. In the kingdom of Jerusalem, Bernard, bishop of Lydda, was chosen to deputise for the patriarch, which was another direct snub to William of Tyre: see Mayer, Die Kanzlei, vol. 1, pp. 249–50.
119. Ibn al-Athir, part 2, pp. 300–1, says that Saladin tried to bring Baldwin's relief army to battle, but without success.
120. Ralph of Diceto, Ymagines Historiarum, vol. 2, ed. W. Stubbs, RS 68, London, 1876, pp. 27–8, 30. Ralph incorporates Baldwin's letter to the envoys into his narrative.
121. Roger of Howden, Gesta Henrici Secundi, vol. 1, ed. W. Stubbs, RS 49, London, 1867, pp. 332–3. Roger seems to have written this between 1169 and 1192 almost contemporaneously and was therefore able to use it as a basis for his Chronica.
122. Rigord, Histoire de Philippe Auguste, ed. and tr. E. Carpentier, G. Pon and Y. Chauvin, Sources d'histoire médiévale publiées par l'Institut de Recherche et d'Histoire des Textes, 33, Paris, 2006, 1.30–1, pp. 178–83. Rigord (died c.1209) was a monk at Saint-Denis, whose chroniclers provided powerful historiographical support for the Capetian house. He would have had direct knowledge of this meeting but, unlike some of the Anglo-Norman chroniclers, he was not present on the Third Crusade in 1191.
123. See H.E. Mayer, ‘Henry II of England and the Holy Land’, English Historical Review, 97 (1982), 721–34. However, C.J. Tyerman, England and the Crusades, 1095–1588, Chicago, 1988, pp. 54–6, doubts that, in practice, there had been any substantial accumulation of funds, behaviour that would, he thinks, ‘on the face of it, have been highly eccentric’. For the will, see Recueil des actes de Henri II, roi d'Angleterre et duc de Normandie, vol. 2, ed. L. Delisle and E. Berger, Chartes et diplômes relatifs à l'histoire de France, Paris, 1920, no. 612, pp. 219–21.
124. Ralph of Diceto, vol. 2, pp. 32–4; Roger of Howden, Gesta, vol. 2, pp. 335–6; Gerald of Wales, De Principis Instructione Liber, ed. G.F. Warner, in Giraldi Cambrensis Opera, ed. J.S. Brewer, J.F. Dimock and G.F. Warner, vol. 8, RS 21, London, 1891, pp. 202–12. According to Gerald, p. 212, the prophecy was fulfilled, for the first thirty years of the reign had brought him ‘worldly glory’, but the last five nothing but misfortunes. The patriarch's comment is recorded by Gerald.
125. See F.A. Cazel, ‘The Tax of 1185 in Aid of the Holy Land’, Speculum, 30 (1955), 385–92.
126. See W.L. Warren, Henry II, London, 1973, pp. 604–6. He assumes that Henry was offered the throne of Jerusalem.
127. See, among several accounts, Phillips, Defenders of the Holy Land, pp. 251–63, and Kedar, ‘Eraclius’, pp. 191–5.
12 The Battle of Hattin and its Consequences
1. Roger of Howden, Chronica, vol. 2, pp. 304, 307, says he had returned before the Feast of St Peter's Chains (1 August). Roger des Moulins is not rec
orded as being in the kingdom until 1 February 1186, RRH, no. 647, p. 171, so it is not certain that they travelled back together. He was with Henry II at Dover on 10 April 1185, so he presumably went on to Vaudreuil: RRH, Add., no. 641a, p. 42. For Baldwin's death, see Hiestand, ‘Chronologisches zur Geschichte des Königreiches Jerusalem’, 545–53, who argues for 15 April 1185, and Hamilton, Leper King, p. 210, who leaves the matter open.
2. Roger of Howden, Chronica, vol. 2, p. 304, says dolens et confusus.
3. See Hamilton, Leper King, p. 205.
4. See Hiestand, ‘Chronologisches zur Geschichte des Königreiches Jerusalem’, 551–3.
5. Cont. WT, cc. 3–4, pp. 13–14. Tr. P.W. Edbury, The Conquest of Jerusalem and the Third Crusade: Sources in Translation, Aldershot, 1996, pp. 14–15; Ernoul-Bernard, pp. 115–17.
6. Cont. WT, c. 5, p. 21. Tr. Edbury, Conquest, p. 15; Ernoul-Bernard, pp. 117–18; Eracles, vol. 2, 23.5, pp. 7–9. See Mayer, ‘Das Pontifikale’, 158–60.
7. On his age, see Hamilton, Leper King, p. 139, n. 47. He was born sometime in the winter of 1177–8.
8. Roger of Howden, Gesta, vol. 2, p. 307. This is dated to 1185 by Roger, who presumably obtained his information from his English contacts. It is not mentioned in the Old French sources.
9. Cont. WT, cc. 7–9, pp. 22–4; Ernoul-Bernard, pp. 121–4. See Boas, Jerusalem in the Time of the Crusades, pp. 173–4, 177, on Germain's previous work, including the improvement of an additional cistern for the city.
10. Cont. WT, c. 9, pp. 23–4; Ernoul-Bernard, p. 124; Kamal-ad-Din, L'histoire d'Alep, tr. E. Blochet, ROL, 4 (1896), 173–5, who describes the problems Saladin faced at this time. See Baldwin, Raymond III, p. 70, n. 2, on the truce. Presumably Saladin would have wanted to secure his western flank before setting out for Mosul, which makes the spring of 1185 the most likely date.
11. Ibn Shaddad, p. 68.
12. Ibn al-Athir, part 2, p. 310; Ibn Shaddad, p. 69.
13. See Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, pp. 221–39.
14. H.A.R. Gibb, ‘The Rise of Saladin, 1169–1189’, in A History of the Crusades, vol. 1, ed. M.W. Baldwin, Madison, 1969, p. 580, and Möhring, Saladin, p. 57.
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