So great is the dignity with the Mogul kings' travel, and the delicacy with which they are treated, that ahead of the column goes a camel carrying a white
cloth, which is used to cover over any dead animal or human being found on the road. They place heaps of stones on the corners, so that the cloth may not be blown away by the wind. When he passes, the king stops and asks the why and wherefore.
Behind all these squadrons rode on horseback the princes Sultan Mu'azzam and Sultan A'zam. After the king came ten horsemen, four with the royal matchlocks enclosed in cloth-of-gold bags; one bore his spear, one his sword, one his shield, one his dagger, one his bow, one the royal arrows and quiver; all of these in cloth-of-gold bags. After the weapons came the captain of the guard with his troops, then the three royal palanquins, and other palanquins for the princes, then, after the palanquins, twenty-four horsemen, eight with pipes, eight with trumpets, and eight with kettledrums. Behind these mounted musicians were the five royal elephants bearing litters (cherollas), also three elephants, one of which, that in the middle, bore three hands in silver upon a crossbar at the end of a pole, covered with its hood of Malacca (velvet). These signify " Observer of the Maho-medan faith." The other two bore hands in the same style which signify "Augmenter and Conservator of the faith." On the right of this middle one was another elephant which displayed a plate of copper (lamina) upon a staff with engraved letters in Arabic, meaning " God is One, and Muhammad just." The other had a pair of scales, which means " a king dealing with justice." On the right (? left) hand was another elephant bearing a crocodile's head, with a body made of fine white cloth, which, when moved by the wind, looked like a real crocodile, signifying " Lord of the Rivers."
On the left went an elephant showing a spear, which means " the Conqueror"; to its left again, another with the head of a fish, having a body made of cloth, and when swaying in the wind this looked like a great fish, and it means " Lord of the seas." All these
elephants were decorated with valuable housings and ornaments. They were followed by twelve more bearing large kettledrums, and other instruments made of refined metals not employed in Europe. They are of the nature of large dishes, which, being beaten one against another, make a great noise. These musical instruments are employed by Armenians, Syrians, and Maronites in Syria at church solemnities and at weddings; they are also used at such events by the Turks. After these musicians came Rajah Jai Singh with eight thousand horsemen, serving as rearguard. Be it known to the reader that each division of those spoken of had six highly adorned elephants, with rich trappings, displaying on brilliant flags the device of its commander.
At some distance from the foregoing came Roshan Ara Begam upon a very large elephant in a litter called pitambar^ which is a dome-roofed throne, very brilliant, made all of enamelled gold, and highly adorned. Behind her followed one hundred and fifty women, her servants, riding handsome horses, and covered from head to foot with their mantles of various colours, each with a cane in her hand. Before Roshan Ara Begam's elephant marched four elephants with standards and a number of bold and aggressive men on foot to drive away everybody, noble or pauper, with blows from sticks and with pushes. Thus I wonder when I find someone writing in Europe, that he managed one day to get near enough to see a woman servant whisking away the flies from Roshan Ara Begam, which is an impossibility. For the princesses and nobles' wives are shut up in such a manner that they cannot be seen, although they can observe the passers-by.
Behind Roshan Ara Begam came her retinue, which consisted of several sour-faced eunuchs on horseback, with others on foot surrounding the litter; after these were three elephants with different kinds of litters covered in rich cloth. Still farther in the rear were
many palanquins covered with different nettings of gold thread, in which travelled her chosen ladies. Following them were some sixty elephants with covered litters, carrying her other women. After Roshan Ara Begam's retinue came three queens, wives of Aurangzeb, and other ladies each of the harem, each with her own special retinue. It would be very lengthy to recount all the details of this march, the Moguls being extremely choice in such matters, overlooking no detail that could minister to their glory.
It remains to state that ahead of all this innumerable throng there always moved, one day ahead at the least, the Grand Master of the Royal Household, with other engineers, to choose an appropriate site where the royal tents should be unloaded. For this purpose is always chosen some pleasant spot. The camp is divided in such a way that on the arrival of the army there may be no confusion. In the first instance they fix the site of the royal enclosure, which, by measurements I subsequently took several times, occupies five hundred paces in circumference. Behind the royal quarters is another gateway, where the women live, a place much respected. After this is arranged, they fix the position of the tents of the princes, the generals, and the nobles. This is so managed that between these tents and the royal tents there should be a wide space. The central space is encircled by scarlet cloths, having a height of three arm-lengths, and these serve as walls. Around these enclosing screens are posted the field pieces, in front of them is a ditch, and behind them are palisades of wood, made like network, which open and shut just like the ancient chairs of Venice. At the sides of the gateway, at a distance of one hundred and thirty paces, are two tents, holding each nine horses, most of them saddled. In front of the gateway is a large raised tent for the drummers and players of music. Among the special royal tents are some where the
king gives audience; these are supported by small ornamented masts upon which are gilt knobs. No one else may make use of these knobs, only persons of the blood royal. On the top of a very high mast is a lighted lantern which serves as a guide to those who arrive late. The tents of the rajahs and nobles, although high, must not be so high as those of the king, otherwise they would run the risk of having their tents knocked down and being ruined themselves.
When the king comes out of his tent, to begin a march, the princes, nobles, and generals throng round to pay him court, each one bringing forward some short request, to which a brief answer is given. They accompany the king to the end of the camp in which they had halted for that day, then each departs to his proper place in his own division. Then the king joins the huntsmen, and announces whether he intends to go hunting or not. When he so wishes he leaves the army and is followed by only the men on foot and the soldiers of his guard. Everybody else continues the march very slowly. If he does not wish to hunt, the huntsmen move to their previously appointed places. When the advance tents come into sight, the musicians commence anew to play their instruments until the king has passed through the gateway of the tents. Then the small artillery is discharged, while the queens and ladies offer to the king congratulations on arrival, saying: " Manzel mobarec" (Manzil tnubarak which means " Happy be the journey."
It should be observed that, although the princesses and ladies start the last, they always arrive the first, having taken some shorter route. Ordinarily the women start after the baggage and move quickly. I knew that in this journey Roshan Ara Begam did not take in her litter her maid-servant, but in the latter's place a youth dressed as a maid-servant. God knows what they were up to, in addition to drinking wine. The person who told me this was a friend of mine, a
no MANUCCI AT DIHLl AND AGRAH
eunuch who loved wine. The same story was confirmed after the princess's death by several ladies of her suite.
[Manucci only marched three days with the army towards Kashmir and then returned to Dihfl.]
This is why I do not write the whole of the king's journey to Kashmir. I leave it to the reader's curiosity to read what Monsieur Bernier has written about that journey, although, if I am to speak the truth, he puts many things of his own into his Mogul history, and I could, through his chronology of the times, make it clear that he writes many things which did not occur —nor could they have occurred—in the way in which he relates them. Nor could he have been too well informed, for he did n
ot live more than eight years at the Mogul court; it is so very large that there are an infinity of things to observe. Nor could he so observe, for he had no entrance to the court. As it seems to me, he relied for what he said upon the common people; and if there is any good thing in his books, it is due to the information given to him by Pere Buzeo, also to what I gave him, having then no intention of writing anything. If I write now I do so at the demand of my friends, chiefly Monsieur Francois Martin, Director-General, and Monsieur Deslandes.
Thus I returned to Dihlf, where I stopped several days to take leave of my friends. Then I started for the city of Agrah, where I came across the Jesuit Fathers. I remained there for a while in the enjoyment of the conversation of my old friends, with whom I had been in the fortress of Bhakkar. I did not care to take service with Aurangzeb, but they had accepted and were at this time artillerymen in the fort at Agrah. They were urgent for me to enter the service; but finding that I would not listen to their words, they went and spoke to Ptibar Khan, fancying that he could persuade me. Ttibar Khan sent for me, and on visiting him I presented a cup of crystal. Re-
ceiving it with a pleased face, he ordered robes of honour to be given to me. He endeavoured to win me over, and urgently entreated me to remain in the fortress and enter the service. He would grant me any terms I demanded, and allot me the pay I received from Prince Dara at Bhakkar. He would make me captain over the Christians (which was what they desired, remembering how well I had treated them at Bhakkar).
1 tendered my excuses, and said in addition that I was most desirous to see different parts of the world; there was also the aversion that I had to Aurangzeb, and equally the face of I'tibar Khan displeased me—in fact, to speak properly, he looked like a baboon. To me it seemed that from one with a face like that no good deed could proceed. Nevertheless, I did not fail to go several times to court, as requested by Ptibar Khan, he imagining in this way to overcome little by little my resolve, and bring me to take employment. But each time I went to the audience served only to renew my determination not to stay in Agrah.
Going thus several times into the fort, I noted the imprisonment of Shahjahan was closer than can be expressed. There passed not a day, while I and others were in conversation with the governor, that there did not come under-eunuchs to whisper into his ear an account of all the words and acts of Shahjahan, and even what passed among the wives, ladies, and slave-girls. Sometimes, smiling at what the eunuchs told him, he would make the company sharers in what was going on inside, adding some foul expressions in disparagement of Shahjahan. Not content with this even, he sometimes allowed it to be seen that he treated him as a miserable slave. Once an under-eunuch came to tell him that Shahjahan was in want of " papuz " (paposh), which are slippers without heels, such as Mahomedans wear. He ordered several pairs to be brought, and the tradesmen produced several different kinds of pdposh, some of leather worth half a rupee,
some of plain velvet, and some of velvet more or less embroidered. Some were worth as much as eight rupees, a very small thing for a great king like Shahjahan, even when in prison. In spite of this the eunuch, immeasurably stingy, sent him shoes neither of eight rupees, nor of four, nor of two, but the common leather shoes. He smiled over it as if he had done some great deed ; and it was a great deed, being after the nature of his friend Aurangzeb, who knew from this eunuch's physiognomy the vileness of his soul, and selected him to receive charge of his greatest enemy in the world, his father, so that by force of ill-treatment the wretched old man (Shahjahan) might die.
I do not know how it was with the others who were present when this was done, but I certainly felt it much. I knew the dignity with which Shahjahan had lived when he was free and Emperor of Hindustan; it was doubly sad when one remembered that Ptibar Khan was formerly a slave of this same Shahjahan, by whom he was given to Aurangzeb.
When the Jesuit Fathers saw that I did not want to remain in Agrah, but was determined to go to Bengal, Father Henriques Roa (Heinrich Roth), a German rector of the college, earnestly entreated me to take with me two Portuguese friars, then living in his college. They were companions of others who had fled from the town of Chavel (Chaul), and he (Roth) did not wish to be accused of harbouring fugitives. Although I did not burden myself willingly with such merchandise—for I have always held that he who flees from a convent is capable of other misdeeds— nevertheless, to be agreeable to the Father Rector, I took with me the two friars, turning them into my servants. In twelve days we reached Allahabad.
I believe that the reader will be pleased to know that on the eastern side of this city is a fortress all of red stone. It was King Akbar who ordered it to be built; it is very handsome and very strong. For, in addition
to art, Nature has also helped to make it strong: the River Ganges, flowing on the north or left side, directs its course towards the south until it reaches the fortress, while the River Jamnah, flowing on the east, at the right hand of the fort, forms a junction with the Ganges river beneath the walls. Besides these rivers there issues from the rock on which stand the fort and its outworks a petty stream with blue waters, which is called Tirt (Tirth); it goes by a straight course, like a tongue, between the two rivers until it flows into them. Just as if the said two rivers held those waters in respect, on account of their birthplace, they allow them to pass down for a long distance without their colour being modified. Thus you can plainly see the waters of this streamlet flowing in the middle of the waters of the two rivers, Ganges and Jamnah.
I observed this very specially when during my stay one of my friends, named Aquim Momena (Hakim Mumin), physician to Bahadur Khan, gave me a dinner upon the said fortification. As it was the first time I saw it, I showed my admiration of this work of Nature. For many gave me particular information, and told me that the Hindus worship this River Tirth, their story being that one of their gods opened with an arrow the spring from which the said river rises.
Every five years multitudes of Hindus assemble and wash their bodies in the said stream. This yields a good revenue to the Mogul king, for every person who bathes in the river pays six and a quarter rupees. Such is the multitude of frequenters that in the crowding many are stifled. Nor on this account do the relations of the smothered persons make the usual lamentations. On the contrary, they boast that their relations died in a state of grace and holiness, all of which is included in the word Tirth.
These three rivers flow beneath the city of Banaras (Benares), ninety leagues from Allahabad, pass near the city of Patana (Patnah), forty leagues distant from Benares, then, flowing onwards, water the shores of the
small town of Muguer (Munger) at a distance of eighty leagues from Patnah, and, continuing their course, greet the town of Ragemahal (Rajmahal) at forty leagues from Munger. There they divide into two branches: one, keeping the name of Ganges, flows as far as Ugulim (Hugli) in Bengal, and from Hugli goes southward to the sea; the other branch, under the name of Jamnah, flows near the town of Daca (Dhakah), where it mingles with other great rivers.
We were some days in Allahabad, and the then governor was Bahadur Khan, who was absent on a campaign against some villagers who objected to pay their revenue without at least one fight, just as the villagers near Agrah do. Leaving Allahabad, I took the road for Benares, by land, carrying with me a passport as is the practice with all travellers. The route was level and without hills, and in eight days we came to the city of Benares, where we remained several days. This city is small, but very ancient, and venerated by the Hindus by reason of a temple there possessing a very ancient idol. Some years after my visit Aurangzeb sent orders for its destruction, when he undertook the knocking down of all temples.
In this city is made much cloth worked in gold and silver, which is distributed hence all over the Mogul realm, and is exported to many parts of the world. It is the fashion in Hindustan to use this proverb : " Toracana Banarismo Rana"(77?0ra khana, Bandras mon rahnd)—ihat is : " Little to eat, but live in Benares " —suggesting that Benares is a nice pla
ce, with a good climate, productive land, and cheap food. Here I crossed the great river, showing the Allahabad passport, as is usual; and by land I arrived in four days at Patnah, a very large city with bazars, the greater part thatched and inhabited by many merchants ; for here is prepared much white cloth of fine quality.
In this city were two factories—one of the English
and the other Dutch—seeing that here, besides cloth of cotton, much fine silk cloth is woven, and a huge quantity of saltpetre produced, which goes to be stored in Bengal, and is there loaded on ships for various parts of Europe. Bottles are also made, and cups of clay, finer than glass, lighter than paper, and highly scented; and these, as curiosities, are carried all over the world. When I was at Patnah I saw an Armenian friend of mine called Coja Safar (Khwajah Safar), of Agrah. He had a letter entitling him to receive from a sarraf (money-changer) twenty-five thousand rupees. On his arrival he learned that the sarraf had become bankrupt. The Armenian dissimulated. As all the merchants knew him, they brought him cloth, and he took delivery up to thirty thousand rupees' worth. He loaded up all this cloth for Surat, continuing himself at Patnah. When the time came for paying the merchants, he, in pursuance of the custom of the country, lighted two candles in the morning, as a sign that he had become bankrupt, he sat in his house with no turban on his head, a simple cloth bound round his head and loins, his seat an old bit of matting, and a dejected expression on his face.
A Pepys of Mongul India (1653-1708) Page 12
