with bamboos, or stabbing anyone, they must carry out my orders. He then departed. Conceiving that I had got rid of him very cheaply, I gave thanks to God, and at once changed my quarters, going to live close to the Convent of the Carmelites, and there I lived with my doors barred, for 1 had seen many houses robbed by bodies of masked men entering them.
The first time 1 was in the city of Goa I lived in the street called Santo Aleixo, opposite some large houses. In one of these lived a widow called Dona Christiana ; she was rich and led a quiet life. She wanted to marry me, a thing I never dreamt of. Seeing that I made no approaches, and made no effort, she resorted to a trick. This consisted in sending for the prior of the Carmes, Friar Pheliciano de Santa Teresa, a native of Milan and a great friend of mine. To him she complained that I had been pursuing her, sending her offers of marriage, to which she replied that she had no thought of such a thing. The Father believed her words, being unaware of Indian women's trickish ways ; and coming to pay me a visit, as he constantly did, he prayed me with the greatest gentleness not to persecute Dona Christiana with such proposals as I had sent her, saying that I wanted to marry her. When I heard the padre talk like this, I was plunged in thought, trying to remember if on any day I had given the widow occasion for such a complaint about me. Examining my mind thoroughly, I found I had not the least remembrance of her, and said so to the Father. He smiled and said he hoped there would be no more complaints about me. As a satisfaction to him I left the neighbourhood and lived elsewhere.
Eight days afterwards the same priest came straight from the widow's house to find me, and directly he saw me began once more to complain harshly, saying that I should be the cause of that woman losing her
reputation. He begged me for the love of God to abandon such thoughts. Feeling myself quite innocent in the matter, I replied to the padre that never had I dreamt either of stopping or of marrying in Goa. As it seemed to me, it was she who wanted to marry me, and had thus called in the padre as intermediary and made use of this artifice. I laid before him many similar affairs that had happened in India. But the priest was not a practical man, and had not been long in India, so he believed what the woman had said, and made me out the culprit. He told me I was not speaking the truth ; and finding my arguments did not prevail, I gave my word to the priest that in a short time I would quit Goa, if he would only give me the time to prepare, and this he did.
Apropos of this case I may mention that, on arriving in the town of Bassaim (Bassein) in one thousand six hundred and sixty-six (1666) I was sent for by the commissary of the Inquisition. He was the prior of the Franciscan Convent, and three times over he examined me to find out about me and my life. Discovering nothing suspicious by his interrogatory, he made me swear upon a holy crucifix. Then, finding there was nothing wrong in my replies, he embraced me, and, treating me as an educated man with a clear conscience, he sent me away, saying that now I was free, and he would not send for me any more. I came to discover in the course of time that my accuser was the Father Damao Vieira, a man expelled from the Jesuit order. This is the man who came as an envoy to Rajah Jai Singh, and promised to reduce the city of Bijapur by miracle.
Owing to the hatred in which he held me, he denounced me, and I was sent for by the commissary as 1 have said. I was innocent, and could not make out why I had been sent for. As the friar found he could not harm me in this way he came to Goa while
I was living there, and urged a well-born man called Antonio de Couza Coutinho, who had once been governor of India, to put an affront on me. But, like a wise man, he would not consent; he invited me to his house, and in his conversation told me to live very cautiously, for the friar in question was not fond of me. Thus I was far from secure, and for this and other reasons I quitted Goa.
After some time there arrived at the town (San Thome) the most illustrious Lord Dom Caspar Alfonco, Bishop of Meliapur (Mailapur) and other places. This prelate held in his hands both civic and ecclesiastical jurisdiction. Yet he did not meddle much in the former branch. However, as I noticed that he did me the honour to like and esteem me, 1 begged him to see me righted to the injustice that had been done me (see pp. 217, 218). After I had told him my story a few days elapsed. He then gave me his reply, telling me that I was in the wrong, that the judges owed me no redress, that it was the chief captain who had done the wrong, and it was he who ought to do me amends. " But," he added, "he is no longer in this world, and has left nothing. That is a misfortune for you, but you must bear it, as one must the other ills of this life."
I resented acutely the inequity of this answer; however, I did not show this for several years. All the time I was reflecting how I could bring him to feel the injustice of his finding. Finally I determined to take as my model what the prophet Nathan said to David to bring home to him his sin. Full of this thought, off I went to visit the said bishop, putting on a vexed and melancholy air. When we had exchanged compliments, I told him I had come to ask him for advice on a thing that had happened to me. To this he replied that with all his heart he would render me such service in all matters as was within his power. 16
230 MANUCCI AND BISHOP CASPAR ALFONfO
" M on signer," said I, " when I lived with my fellow-countryman, Hortense Bromsoune (Ortenzio Bron-zoni), we were both very well known, had good credit, and everybody esteemed us. This induced Juan Dias d'Almeda and Diogo Mendez Botelho to confide to us a chest which contained a quantity of money. My comrade, driven by 1 know not what necessity, or perhaps by envy, had a false key made, and withdrew one thousand rupees from the chest. This he did in the face of all 1 could say to prevent him. Some months afterwards the two Portuguese came and removed their chest. It was not long before they noticed that one thousand rupees were deficient from the total sum. They complained, but as we were well supported we rejected their demand in sharp terms, and ejected them from our house, protesting that they were forgers and rogues.
" Some time afterwards my comrade died, and left me as his testamentary executor. However, as a long time had passed, the affair was no longer spoken of. Now they wish to revive it, and a few days ago I received a letter from the aforesaid Portuguese in which they set forth the distress they are in, that they have a daughter to be married, that I should reflect whether in conscience I do not owe them for that deficiency of one thousand rupees which occurred within my house."
I added some words praying the bishop to tell me as a matter of conscience whether I was under an obligation to pay that money, with the interest accrued since that time. It was to be remembered that I had not consented to the theft. He answered that I was under an obligation to pay. I took my leave and went to see the Jesuit and other regulars and priests, men learned in the law. I told them the same story and all replied to me in the same terms, but had no idea of the inference I intended to deduce from their answer. It was my object to
make them admit out of their own mouth that what they had decided in my case was unjust, for my case was absolutely identical, changing only the persons. I had been robbed, the inhabitants of San Thome were consenting parties to the theft, and Manoel Texeira was the Ortenzio Bronzoni who had taken my property.
Some of those religious persons read the riddle after I had left, and they told me afterwards I was very clever. But all that was no more than compliments, for that did not hinder the greater number of them giving certificates in the very teeth of the equity of my demand, clear and evident as that was. Although this business has no interest for the public, I have thought it might serve as a warning to those who travel in these distant parts. It will teach them not to allow their property to be taken from them, for once it has gone the best arguments in the world will be useless in procuring them redress.
But now let us come back to the persecutions at Tanjor, of which I have already spoken at some length. It is my duty, dear reader, to tell you what has since taken place. At the beginning of December (? 1701) the Reverend Father Martin, Jesuit, appeared at my house. After a good deal of ceremony
and compliments, he produced a letter from Monsieur Martin, Governor of Pondicherry, in which he begged me as a Christian to be so good as to interest myself in the protection of these oppressed believers, and procure for them some respite, they and their imprisoned pastors. He represented to me that their misfortunes arose from nothing but certain acts and importunities of this, that, and the other person in the king's entourage, whereby from being their friend he had been turned into their enemy.
The Reverend Father (Martin) had brought with him a large present made up of European curiosities, a
232 MANUCCFS LETTER TO DA,UD KHAN
mirror of crystal, and a poignard mounted with jewels in the style of this country. He expected by means of these presents to procure some letters of recommendation from the Governor-General Daoutan(Da,ud Khan), who had taken the place of Jufacarcan (Zu,lfiqar Khan).
He had been sent into this kingdom of the Karnatik by orders of Aurangzeb, whose domination extends over all the petty Hindu kings and governors of these countries, all of them being tributary to him, as I have (I think) already explained.
I took into consideration in a Christian spirit the misfortunes to which this new Christian community was exposed. I was also of opinion that all these presents would be useless and in vain ; for this reason I did not think it advisable to present them, because these Mahomedans are very touchy, and I feared that the general might conceive some idea quite opposed to the facts. Neither did I desire the Father to go to him, though this was his intention ; and he meant to take me with him, he meeting the necessary expenses of the journey. I made up my mind to avoid all this labour and expenditure by writing a letter on the subject to this nobleman. In it I besought him as a friend, and by reason of the obligation that he had always professed to be under to me, to look with a favourable eye upon the Christians of Tanjor. They had been cruelly persecuted by their king, who had unjustly imprisoned two Jesuit Fathers, my near relations. Would he have the goodness to interpose with his authority to protect the said Christians, and get those Fathers out of prison, where they were so unjustly and narrowly detained, and also procure the restitution to the former (the Christians) of the goods so unjustly forfeited ? I wrote other letters on the same subject to the first minister of the Karnatik province (? the diwdn)^ who is always in attendance on the above general ; also to other officers of the army with whom I was acquainted and who were
great friends of mine. I sent all this correspondence to the camp by one of my servants.
After these dispatches had started, Pere Martin proposed to leave for his college at Pondicherry, which is part of the same mission, and by his hands I sent a letter in reply to that of Governor Martin, detailing what I had done for the relief of the Christians at his solicitation, and as a response to the friendship with which he honoured me.
As soon as my man arrived at the army he presented my letters to the general commanding, Da,ud Khan, along with some presents that I sent him on my own behalf. He also delivered the other letters to the first minister and the other officers to whom I had the honour of writing. These men, having read them and learnt that the captive Fathers were my near relations, were extremely incensed against the King of Tanjor. The commanding general, in particular, and the first minister displayed much resentment on the subject; and on the spot they sent for the envoy of that prince, who is always present in the army of the general, to secure the interests of the king, his master. They blamed the king loudly for his hardihood in imprisoning the poor European Brahmans from Rome (that is the name they give the priests). To this they added some harsh and severe language, and told him they were amazed still more at the acts of the king, his master, when he knew that these Fathers were near relations of the Doctor Nicolas Manuchy, physician to the Mogul Emperor, his suzerain. To this Da,ud Khan added the words : " He is also my physician and my father." These last words were said by the general because from his early youth, when I still lived in the Mogul country, he had called me " father." Falling into a great rage, he ordered the agent to put such pressure on his master that the captive Fathers, the Roman Brahmans, should be set at liberty, and the Christians allowed to live according to their religion. He added : " If you do not obey my 16*
commands, I will have you put to death, and wage continual war against your master. Do not fail thus to write to him. I also require him to restore all the property that has been confiscated from the Christians."
The envoy, upon receiving these orders, wrote in the above sense to his prince, and described the manner in which he had been treated by Da,ud Khan. The cause of this harshness was the persecution he had commenced against the Christians, and the confiscation of their goods. He prayed, therefore, first of all for the release of the Jesuit Fathers, known as the Roman Brahmans, the cessation of all persecution of his Christian subjects, and the rebuilding of the ruined churches. As a consequence of these acts he stood in danger of his life, and His Majesty ran the risk of a war if these demands were not conceded.
While this correspondence was in progress, Da,ud Khan, the first minister, and all the other officers, gave indications of taking the matter very much to heart, and swore with most terrible strength at the malignity of those deeds at Tanjor. The crime was so much the greater at being perpetrated upon poor people living peaceably, who had never given their king any cause for complaint.
Thus, no sooner had he received the letter of his envoy than the king sent forth edicts, whereby he permitted his fugitive Christian subjects to return unmolested to their houses, and there enjoy their possessions as heretofore. He ordered the release of those who were in prison, and all Christians were free to follow their religion. The two European Fathers, the Roman Brahmans, were taken out of prison ; but as the remedy came somewhat late, through the fault of the Jesuit Fathers of Pondicherry, it appeared that one of them, attacked by fever and dysentery, had succumbed. He was a Portuguese, and his name was Simon Carvalho ; but the other,
a French Father, was released, as well as the other Christians.
I also received in connection with this affair a letter from Da,ud Khan, addressed to the King of Tanjor. It was full both of menaces and compliments; its purport was the securing to these poor persecuted men the liberty they had lost. I caused it to be conveyed to its destination, and by way of reply he (the king) announced that on the receipt of his envoy's letter he had complied with everything : the Christians were at rest, the Roman Brahmans at liberty—though it was known that they were not Brahmans, as they asserted, but of the same profession as those that dwelt at Pondicherry.
In spite of this, the prince was terribly enraged against the Christians, even going so far as to write to all the kings, his neighbours, asking them to destroy everyone of that faith found within their states. But the letters and menaces of Da,ud Khan put an end to all these disorders, and not a single prince was found willing to follow the king's suggestion.
Upon the departure of the Reverend Father Martin for Pondicherry, I determined to visit that place myself, and send some of my most trusted servants to Tanjor. The latter were to make inquiries as precise as possible into the truth of the reports about the persecution. My object was to satisfy myself if what was said about the reverend French Jesuit Fathers in regard to the Hindu ceremonies they practised was true or false. On this head I assure you that the whole is quite true, following the report of my servants and the statements of certain merchants I know. In addition, there is also what I learnt about it from several French clerics and secular priests, who had seen the reports and found them to be quite consistent and in accordance with the truth.
From what I have said, and from what I said earlier, about the persecution it will be clearly seen what were
its causes, its commencement, its results, its termination. In dealing with this matter, I took my part so far as my duty and my insufficient zeal impelled me.
I have already spoken of the General Da,ud Khan on several occasions. Here I must remark that he came to this province of the K
arnatik in the month of January 1701, and on his arrival he camped below the great fortress of Arcat (Arkat), an ancient strong place of the Hindu kings, at a distance inland from Madras of about thirty-four leagues. Thence he did me the honour of addressing me a very civil letter, inviting me to pay him a visit. To do this I had not the slightest intention.
But the governor of this locality (Madras) and his council having heard what was passing, made use of the occasion to send him a present and congratulate him on his auspicious arrival. With this object they prayed me to render this service to their company, and they associated with me in the task a Brahman clerk long in the service of the Company, whose name was Ramapa. At that time he was not in their service.
A Pepys of Mongul India (1653-1708) Page 24
