by Freddy Silva
What kind of work had they accomplished?
Why should it require preventive measures against church interference?
What secret did they bring back to Champagne?
The passage points to the Templars having undertaken a predetermined mission in Jerusalem, and their return to Champagne being arranged with the full knowledge of Bernard de Clairvaux. With their mission completed, the Cistercians and Templars adopted the beehive as their symbol, suggesting they had been collecting “pollen” to be brought back to the “hive” in Champagne.4
The symbolism is revealing. Ancient Middle Eastern and Egyptian cultures regarded the bee as a bridge between the living and the Otherworld,5 and this divine association was adopted by the Merovingians, who used the bee as the symbol of immortality and resurrection. This is the very same lineage into which Bernard de Clairvaux and Godefroi de Bouillon were born.*126
Whatever they were up to, the Templars had been putting a lot of energy into a new domicile far from ecclesiastical interference. Portugale was as distant from Rome as was possible, and its inhabitants had a history of paying lip service to papal authority. Obviously, Bernard and his Cistercian Order were involved in this plan, and his previous meeting in 1126 with the Templars André de Montbard and Brother Gondemare had been no casual get-together, especially as all three, plus the remaining Templars—Bisol de Saint-Omer, Archambaud de Saint-Aignan, Nivard de Mont-Didier, and Brother Roland, along with Hugues de Payns and Comte Hugh de Champagne—are all listed as members of the Ordre de Sion.7
Their secret was given safe passage through the substantial territory in central Europe owned by Comte Hugh de Champagne, one of the first sponsors and patrons of the Cistercians, whose donation of land allowed the abbey of Clairvaux to be built; later, he donated to them the abbey of Orval, the building originally erected by the monks addressing themselves as the Ordre de Sion.
Could this secret, then, involve the creation of an ideal state, a temporal mirror of the heavenly Jerusalem so idolized by Bernard de Clairvaux? After all, why would a group of men from central Europe travel all the way to Jerusalem, only to then expend all their energy settling a territory bordering the Atlantic thousands of miles to the west? There are no simple answers, and yet when Bernard drafted In Praise to the New Militia and various church leaders and sovereigns requested he establish a Cistercian abbey in Jerusalem, he declined, as though the holy city no longer played a role in the Order he had just publicly endorsed. Even in a letter to the pope, Bernard voiced opposition to the establishment of a Cistercian presence in Jerusalem by the abbot of the Cistercian House of Moribund, on the grounds that “he wishes to propagate the observances of our Order in that land, and for that reason to lead a multitude with him, who cannot see that the necessities are fighting knights not singing and wailing monks.”8 It seems the protection of the Holy Sepulcher or the expansion of Christianity was no longer the central aim of a holy order of knights, perhaps because it never was, and the ultimate purpose of the Templar-Cistercian alliance lay elsewhere.
Bernard de Clairvaux often meditated on the concept of a model Christian nation where the ideals of the kingdom of heaven could be experienced right here on Earth.9 Such a vision of utopia must have felt delightful amid the dissonance of the twelfth century, and a look at the bare facts indicates Portugale was high on Bernard’s inner radar.
The Cistercians had long ago established a relationship with Count Dom Henrique, whose close friends—the former Archbishop of Braga and the Bishop of Coimbra—had both come from the monastery at Cluny, from which a group of monks had left to form the Cistercian Order at Citeaux.10 When he journeyed to the Holy Land, it was a Cistercian monk living in the Hermitage of Saint Julian in Alcobaça who “served Conde D. Henrique of Portugal in the wars, who was with the Moors, and the journey to Jerusalem.”11 Furthermore, Dom Henrique and Bernard de Clairvaux shared the same Burgundian lineage and ideals, and both their families’ estates back in Dijon were practically within shouting distance of each other.
The three brotherhoods of knights—the Hospitallers, the Knights of the Holy Sepulcher, and now the Knights Templar—had gradually established themselves in Portugale since 1104; working among them were high-ranking members of the Ordre de Sion, notably Brother Gondemare (also a Cistercian monk) and Prior Arnaldo da Rocha (a relative of Bernard); even at that very moment the Templars were assisting Afonso Henriques in reestablishing his claim over the territory usurped by his mother and a Galician interloper.
If Bernard sought a new territory to implement his vision, the portents for a favorable outcome in Portugale looked good, especially since the abbot had fostered a relationship with his young nephew Afonso Henriques as early as 1119, after he had sent a delegation of monks to request land for a monastery. As an adult, Afonso fulfilled his duties as a kind of vassal to Clairvaux by gifting said abbey fifty pieces of gold.*13 The payment was made every year on the spring equinox “to Abbot Dom Bernardo [Bernard de Clairvaux] and his successors” and delivered on Afonso’s behalf by a Procurator of the Knights Templar in Portugale. Subsequent Portuguese kings maintained this inviolable promise and were still doing so two and one-half centuries later.12
Suffice it to say, both the Cistercian and Templar Orders were by now deeply invested in Portugale.
The Knights Templar, in turn, did more than pledge allegiance to the Cistercian code established and expounded in Bernard’s ode In Praise of the New Militia,13 they were bound by the Cistercian Order, as proved in a document (in the Cistercian monastery of Alcobaça) describing the oath by which every new Templar Master or Procurator in Portugale should conduct himself:
I [name], Knight of the Temple, newly elected master of the Knights that are in Portugal, promise . . . to defend the Mysteries of the Faith, along with the seven Sacraments, the fourteen Articles of Faith, the Symbol of the Apostles . . . and of the Virgin Mary . . . and the bloodline of King David. After this I grant sovereignty and obedience to Grand Master of the Order, according to the statutes of our father Bernard . . . and never to deny help to the religious, through words, arms and good deeds, in particular the pious of the Order of Cister and its abbots, for they are our brothers and companions.14
Thus the Knights Templar was predominantly a secular extension of the Cistercian ideals of Bernard de Clairvaux, and it was still being asserted as such four centuries later by Cistercian chroniclers such as Brito.15 In a later deposition to the Holy Inquisition, Brother Aymery of Limoges made a defense on behalf of the Templars imprisoned in the abbey of Saint Geneviève, in the form of a prayer to God, in which he reveals the Templars’ sponsor: “Your order, the Temple, was founded in general council for the honor of the holy and glorious Virgin Mary, your Mother, by the Blessed Bernard, your holy confessor. . . . It was he who, along with other overseers briefed and gave them their mission.” He then addresses the divine Virgin, “Mary, Mother of God . . . defend your order which was founded by your holy and dear confessor, Blessed Bernard.”16
Not only were many of the key figures of the Knights Templar connected through family ties to the Cistercian Order, most of them also were handpicked by Bernard de Clairvaux himself.17 It is feasible, then, that if the Templars swore a vow of obedience to Bernard, their tour to Jerusalem was a mission entrusted to them, not of their own making. Thus, Bernard’s discourses on the Templars and their public approval by him at the Council of Troyes had been mere window dressing, a public gesture, which to some degree explains his reluctance to publicly endorse the Templar Order at the council. It was a fait accompli.
There is another part to this equation, and it involves the Templars’ sister fraternity, the Knights Hospitaller; they even shared the same emblem, the red cross—the Templar version defined by its sinuous semicircular pattern in contrast to the Hospitallers’ hard, angular lines and edges.18 Relatively speaking, both Orders had a presence as old as each other’s in Portugale, but, just as in Jerusalem, they fulfilled very different roles.19 The Hospi
tallers’ first conventual house and primary chapter in Portugale was in Leça in 1112;20 the property was expanded ten years later to include a monastery and its four houses eight miles away in Gondomare.21
The first significant thing about these places is their geographic proximity: Gondomare lies eight miles from Fonte Arcada—the Templar’s major donation of 1125—which in turn lies 33 miles west of Tarouca, the first monastery founded by Cistercian monks. The second significant thing concerns one of the monks sent by Bernard to found said monastery, Brother Roland, whom locals described as “an expert of the deeds of France.”22 Could this man be the same Brother Roland, one of the original Knights Templar handpicked by Bernard de Clairvaux? If so, it places two of the founding Templars (three, if we accept the assertions about Prior Arnaldo da Rocha) in Portugale many years before the Council of Troyes—Brother Roland at Tarouca in 1119, and Brother Gondemare at the monastery of his namesake Portuguese town, who took possession of a nearby property on behalf of the Order of the Temple in 1114.23
And while Brother Roland moved to Portugale from Champagne, the itinerant Brother Gondemare journeyed from Portugale to Jerusalem to join the other original Templars; then in 1126, he boarded a galley bound for Champagne to deliver news of the knights’ discoveries to Bernard de Clairvaux.
It appears all the comings and goings between Clairvaux, Portugale, and Jerusalem were by design, and the groundwork laid in Portugale by Cistercians, Templars, and members of the Ordre de Sion was one long, patient enterprise undertaken long before the pope placed his stamp of approval upon Hugues de Payns and his knights.
21
1128. APRIL. A CHAMBER IN THE ROYAL RESIDENCE OF GUIMARÃES . . .
According to the account by a Spanish historian, the conversation between Afonso Henriques, his mother, and her husband, Count Fernán Péres de Traba, went something like this:
Fernán: “Prince, let us not tire ourselves anymore over this contest, but fight me in battle one day, me and you, whenever you want, and either you will leave this kingdom, or I.”
Afonso: “It would not please God very much if your wish is to kick me out of the lands that my father inherited.”
Tareja: “It is my land, my father gave it to me, and allowed me to inherit it.”
Fernán (to his wife): “Let’s end this discussion or I will drag you back to Galiza; or leave the lands to your son, if it makes us more powerful.”1
This cordial family scene could only mean one thing: Afonso Henriques had fully returned from the exile his mother had imposed, and, judging by his boldness to show his face at court, his war so far was proving very successful. On his way to Guimarães he took the opportunity to seize the castles of Faria and Neiva, overran other nearby battlements, reclaimed towns around Braga for good measure, and a quick glance beyond the windows of the palace would have shown that his troops were now in plain view of the royal seat. And now that we know just what a manipulative and dysfunctional family he had, one sympathizes.
Afonso Henriques’s confidence as a knight was ascendant, no doubt bolstered by the good news that had just reached him from Troyes of the Knights Templar securing formal papal approval.
His relationship with the Order, not to mention the military advantage they presented, was becoming ever more obvious with the string of battles already won. Clearly the opposition’s gamble to buy the Templars’ affection with the donation of Souré had not paid off.
If the fortune of the gods favored the just, the time to strike for an independent kingdom was now. Afonso picked a location for a showdown with his mother and Fernán Péres de Traba on the fields of São Mamede, just beyond the walls of Guimarães.
He kneeled to his God and prayed for guidance. The confrontation would take place on the feast day of John the Baptist.
Castle of Guimarães.
22
1128. MEANWHILE IN CHAMPAGNE . . .
No sooner had the Council of Troyes adjourned than the Knights Templar received the first of hundreds of donations, this one from Raoul the Fat and his wife, of all their possessions near the city;1 as expected, Hugues de Payns himself donated his own lands to the Order of the Temple.
Hugues and Bernard de Clairvaux bid each other a fond adieu. The knight’s exhaustive European tour to secure diplomatic ties and raise funds and recruits was about to get underway.
Hugues left first for Anjou to meet Comte Fulk d’Anjou, who had himself been ordained into the Knights Templar and in time would succeed Baudoin II as King of Jerusalem.
By April he appeared in Le Mans, then ventured south to Roussillon, on the French side of the Pyrenees, to meet with Raimund Bernard, Templar Master of Portugale.2 Indeed, the two men were glad to be reunited for the first time in three years, following Raimund’s dispatch by the Grand Master from Jerusalem in the winter of 1125.3
Since taking up residence in Braga, the Burgundian knight had been every bit as productive as Hugues, and only weeks prior to the meeting he had secured the donation of the castle and lands of Souré—twice.4 He then acquired either the fastest horse or hitched a ride on the fastest galley to rendezvous with Hugues. Surrounded by the fragrant air of a Mediterranean spring, Master Dom Raimundo would have delighted the ears of his Grand Master on the excellent forward progress currently taking place in Portugale, how its young prince was living up to all expectations, and with Templar assistance, the declaration of an independent Portugale was now just a matter of time; Dom Guilherme Ricard—the other Templar Master in Portugale—also sent his best regards.
As did Archbishop Payo Mendes, who was adding five chapels to Braga’s cathedral—essentially fitting a crown on the body—in honor of the sanctioning of the Knights Templar, the moment the Order itself was symbolically “crowned.”
The esoteric implications are notable, for in the number of chapels lies a reference to the pentagram, the five-pointed geometric form associated with sophis (wisdom) and Isis, the divine virgin whose temple served as the foundation for the cathedral.
Business concluded, Dom Raimundo shook hands with Hugues and returned posthaste to assist Afonso Henriques and the affairs of a new nation in the making.
Talk about devotion to duty.
Satisfied, Hugues returned to northern France, soliciting help along the way. In June, he met with Henry I of England in Normandie. “The king received him with great honour and gave him great treasures, consisting of gold and silver; and then he sent him to England and there he was received by all good men and they all gave him treasure, and in Scotland also, and sent by him to Jerusalem great Property entirely in gold and silver.”5
He then boarded a boat with the Templar brother Payen de Mont-Didier, soon-to-be Templar Master of England, for the short crossing to England. During his visit he raised extraordinary amounts of money and men, and a preceptory at High Holborn in London on the site of a former Roman temple.
Hugues de Payns’s connections in Jerusalem no doubt opened the doors for what would, in hindsight, prove to be a crucial trip to Scotland, following the late Godefroi de Bouillon’s brother Eustace III’s marriage to Mary of Scotland.6 There, Hugues found great favor with King David I, who obviously liked what he heard because he granted Hugues the lands and village of Balantrodoch (later to become Temple), where he set up a preceptory and church. King David was himself very taken with the Templar Order, for he “entrusted himself entirely to the guidance of religious [monks], retaining beside him the most noble brethren of the distinguished military order of the Temple of Jerusalem, he made them both by day and night custodians of his morals.”7
The indefatigable Hugues was back in France by September 1128 to meet with his longtime cofounder Godefroi de Saint-Omer, no doubt to exchange notes and catch their breath and marvel at the speed in which their proposal was winning everyone they encountered. Whatever the Knights Templar were selling, everyone was buying. Houses and estates and hundreds of donations were received within the year throughout France.
All the while thei
r networks were activated to enable the foundation of a secure land base in the west of Europe,8 where relationships had been nurtured for some twenty-four years and donations were being received by the Order of the Temple at a faster pace than elsewhere in Europe,9 probably as a result of Afonso Henriques’s efforts on a battlefield near Guimarães.
Indeed, everything seemed on course to manifest Hugues de Payns’s first Templar nation and Bernard de Clairvaux’s temporal New Jerusalem.
23
1128. JUNE 24. A BATTLEFIELD OUTSIDE GUIMARÃES . . .
On one side stood the combined armies of Fernán Péres de Traba (representing Galicia), Archbishop Diego Gelmírez (representing the Diocese of Compostela), and some Portuguese troops loyal to Countess Tareja. On the opposing side, the forces commanded by Afonso Henriques, troops loyal to Archbishop Payo Mendes of Braga, and just about every other person capable of bearing arms and representing all the lords of Portugale.
Not one to stand by her own son, Tareja turned to her husband and declared, “I want to go into battle by your side, because you have more reason to do things for my love, and however hard I have worked to imprison my son, the two of us together are more powerful than him.”1
Which, as it turns out, was not exactly an accurate assessment of the situation. Not only had Afonso acquired the unanimous support of the nobles—a substantial number of whom, like him, were of Burgundian descent—a charter dated May 27 also placed the rights of the churches of Braga in Afonso’s service, meaning that the prince secured the ecclesiastical support of the bishopric of Braga, the most influential church of the region.2 The charter was signed by an impressive list of local dignitaries, including his mentor Payo Mendes as well as the indefatigable Templar Master Dom Raimundo Bernardo, barely returned from his meeting with Hugues de Payns in the south of France.3
