Not long after the assassination he was involved in the sale of Oswald’s diary to the News for 50,000 dollars, and he became a close associate of Marina Oswald for about a month. The diary also appeared in U.S. News and World Report. There is a long FBI report on this subject. And although it does not come to any firm conclusions, it appears that the people involved in the heist of the diary from the police archives were assistant DA Bill Alexander and Aynesworth.130 The diary ended up in Life and Alexander, Aynesworth and his then wife Paula ended up splitting tens of thousands of dollars. Life decided to pay Marina since it appears that Hugh originally tried to cut her out of the deal, even though she was the legal heir to the estate. In a follow up FBI report of July 7, it appears that the reporter was also using the diary as a way of career advancement. An informant told the Bureau that Aynesworth was trying to use the diary as leverage to become Newsweek’s Dallas bureau chief. As the report notes, he did become a Dallas stringer for that publication afterwards.
In late 1966, somehow, some way, Aynesworth had became a part of the Life team reinvestigating the Kennedy case. This team was led by reporter Dick Billings and editor Holland McCombs (the latter was a friend of Clay Shaw’s). Almost immediately, Aynesworth began informing on this inquiry to the FBI. On December 12, he told the Bureau that the team had discovered a witness who connected Oswald with Ruby. The inquiry eventually ran into the one being done by Jim Garrison.131 Therefore, Aynesworth became one of the first to discover what Garrison was up to. The unsuspecting DA actually granted Aynesworth an interview. After which the FBI informant wrote a note to McCombs saying that they should not let the DA know they were playing “both sides” in the case. Again, this is insightful of Aynesworth’s ethics. Since reporters are not supposed to be playing any sides. This was the first time Aynesworth had met Garrison. His reaction says all one needs to know about Aynesworth’s objectivity in regards to the DA.
But the declassified files of the ARRB have now revealed something that presages all of this. In October of 1962, Aynesworth had applied for a visa to Cuba. He had heard nothing about it for eleven months. Then in September of 1963 he had gotten some news from Washington that it was now being considered. Shortly after he got this news, Aynesworth reported to J. Walton Moore of the Dallas office of the CIA. He told Moore that he was offering the Agency his services if he in fact got the visa. Moore noted in this document that he was now beginning to process a name check on Aynesworth and would keep his superiors informed of further developments.132 In other words, Aynesworth had an application in with the CIA before the assassination. The paper trail indicates that Aynesworth was given the name of the CIA recruiter for the southwest area. But it ends there.133 But there are many indications that Aynesworth ended up having a strong bond with the CIA.
As we have seen, Sheridan featured a segment on his program which centered on the accusations of Alvin Beaubouef. Well, in his May 15, 1967 article in Newsweek, Aynesworth did the same. Like Sheridan, Aynesworth ignored Beaubouef’s previous statement in which he said all the DA’s office ever stated to him was that they wanted him to tell the truth. Aynesworth also left out another significant factor. There are signs the tape originally made by Hugh Exnicios was later altered. For both Beaubouef and his new lawyer Burton Klein stated that several parts of the conversation seemed edited out from the original. These parts would all have disproved the notion of a bribe.134
It was therefore quite natural that Aynesworth became an informant for both J. Edgar Hoover and Lyndon Johnson on the Garrison case. In a document obtained through the Freedom of Information Act by Gary Mack from the Lyndon B. Johnson Library, Aynesworth reveals his intent with regard to Garrison in the following telegram to Johnson’s Press Secretary, George Christian, at the White House. Attached to a draft of his upcoming article, it reads in full:135
Here is the rough draft of the story we discussed this morning. It will be changed in a minor way, but for the most part will be just this.
The story will break late Sunday via the wire services. Naturally, the strength and seriousness of it will evoke considerable reaction. I thought the President might be interested in this advance version.
I am not offering this for comment of any kind, nor a check of the validity of any part. Simply, it’s FYI ….
Naturally, I would expect this to go no further.
My interest in informing government officials of each step along the way is because of my intimate knowledge of what Jim Garrison is planning. The subpoena of two FBI agents Saturday (today) is another step in his plan to make it seem that the FBI and CIA are involved in the JFK “plot.” He is hell-bent on involving several high officials, is considering embarrassing others. In his devious scheme he can—and probably will—do untold damage to this nation’s image throughout the world.
I am well aware that Garrison wants the government to defy him in some manner or to step in to pressure a halt to his “probe,” but, of course, this should not happen … for that is exactly what Garrison wants.
I intend to make a complete report of my knowledge available to the FBI, as I have done in the past.
Regards,
Hugh Aynesworth
The reader should note that, like Phelan, Aynesworth did not want the fact that he was a government informant revealed to the public. He wanted the benefits of being an informant, but none of the derogatory aspects associated with it. Like Phelan, he wanted to maintain the illusion of being an actual reporter instead of a government flack.
The declassified files of the ARRB reveal that once Aynesworth got to New Orleans, he wore at least three hats. He was ostensibly Newsweek’s Dallas stringer, but he was also being paid by Time-Life for the work he did on their Kennedy probe. But almost immediately after he got there, Aynesworth went to work for Shaw’s lawyers, undermining Garrison. This can be traced to at least February of 1967. We know this because a lawyer for Garrison, Jim Alcock, had gone to Dallas to try and interrogate the fascinating suspect Sergio Arcacha Smith. But Garrison made a mistake here. He assigned investigator Bill Gurvich to go with Alcock. Therefore, through Gurvich, Aynesworth likely learned of this crucial appointment. And he followed the events as they happened. On the evening of Friday, February 24, from New Orleans, Alcock tried to phone Arcacha Smith at his home. He left a message with his wife that Garrison would like to talk to her husband and he would wire him airfare to New Orleans. When she declined for him, Alcock said he would travel to Dallas then to question him.136 When Alcock arrived the next morning and phoned him, Arcacha Smith got in contact with the police. Officers Cunningham and Rodgers now went to his home to await a further call.137 That call did not come until 5:00 P.M., hours after the officers had left. Again, Alcock could not connect with Arcacha, even though he appeared to be home at this time. The Cuban suspect now called the police again. They were there when Alcock called at 9:15 P.M. Arcacha Smith asked Detective Rodgers to pick up the phone. Alcock said he wanted to question Arcacha Smith in the Kennedy case. Rodgers replied that the suspect did not want to talk to him. He then asked if Alcock had an arrest warrant with him. Alcock said he did not. Rodgers then arranged for Alcock to meet with Arcacha Smith at City Hall.138
At ten that evening, the two officers and Arcacha met Alcock and Gurvich on the third floor of the building. Gurvich plugged in a tape recorder and Alcock asked the policemen if they would leave so they could question Arcacha Smith alone. Arcacha did not like this and so the officers suggested an attorney be present. Arcacha requested Bill Alexander be in attendance. Alcock recognized Alexander as the assistant to DA Henry Wade. The conference therefore ended. Arcacha Smith was then escorted home and a security detail was stationed outside.139
The next day, Sunday the 26, Aynesworth appeared from his position off stage. He first called Arcacha Smith. He told him he was preparing a report for Newsweek that would attack Garrison’s handling of this “so called conspiracy.” The following Monday, the Dallas police now arranged a meeting between Aynesworth
and Arcacha Smith. This meeting was held in the Criminal Intelligence Section of the Dallas Police offices. Aynesworth told the suspect that he had informants inside Garrison’s office. He therefore had names of witnesses interviewed by the DA, and also persons who Garrison was trying to find in order to question.140 What followed was clearly a sort of stage play between Aynesworth and Arcacha Smith. Superficially it was being done to inform the suspect about Garrison’s inquiry. In reality it was being done to influence the Dallas Police against Garrison. Aynesworth said that Garrison’s inquiry was based around David Ferrie. Arcacha now replied that although he knew Ferrie, he was never friendly with him. As we have seen, this reply does not align with the record. Since both men worked together on the Bay of Pigs, out of Banister’s office, and Ferrie watched films of the ill fated CIA landing at Arcacha Smith’s home in New Orleans. (Later, Arcacha Smith got even more ridiculous. He said he had never heard of Gordon Novel.141) Aynesworth now argued for Ferrie’s innocence and told Arcacha that Garrison had gotten his unpublished phone number and address from his friend Carlos Bringuier. To show just how plugged into the DA’s office he was, Aynesworth then listed the names and addresses of 19 people who Garrison’s investigators had interviewed. The Dallas police now checked those names against their indices. Aynesworth concluded the meeting by saying that Garrison now considered Arcacha Smith as important a witness as the deceased Ferrie had been.142 It is this author’s view that, tipped off by Gurvich, Aynesworth was in Dallas on Friday. And it was he who told Arcacha Smith to request the police to be at his home when Alcock called. It was also Aynesworth who suggested that Arcacha Smith not submit to questioning unless the police were there, knowing that Alcock would not accept those terms. Further, that it was Aynesworth, who was friends with Bill Alexander, who then suggested that Arcacha Smith name Alexander as the attorney he wished to be in the room with him during questioning.
This episode has been described in some length because it sets up a paradigm for what Aynesworth did for the next four years. Because, astonishingly, Aynesworth was in contact with Ed Wegmann, Shaw’s personal lawyer, all the way until 1971.143 Once he set up shop in New Orleans, Aynesworth spent much of his time writing up detailed reports for Shaw’s lawyers about certain people involved in Garrison’s inquiry. The breadth and depth of these reports suggests that Aynesworth was getting input from either very high level private intelligence networks or from the FBI and/or the CIA. For instance, in a report on Ferrie, Aynesworth mentioned that the CIA had tried to get former Nazi commando Otto Skorzeny to attempt a Castro kidnapping plot in 1963. Prior to reading these files, the author had never seen this written about anywhere. Yet somehow, Aynesworth got wind of it.144
But besides preparing these reports, Aynesworth’s major function was as a counter intelligence operative for Shaw’s defense team. Drawing on his undercover allies in Garrison’s office, Aynesworth would then set about tracking down these prospective witnesses, often before Garrison did. Aynesworth even knew about certain witnesses who called into local papers, like the States Item. Cedric von Rolleston had called into that paper in October of 1967. Aynesworth knew about the call that week.145 Rolleston was from Alexandria, northwest of New Orleans. He was one of several witnesses to an odd group of Oswald sightings in the Lafayette-Alexandria area in October of 1963. For instance a man calling himself Oswald had created a ruckus at a Holiday Inn in Lafayette. He had criticized the Kennedy family and then signed his bar slip, “Hidell.”146 Garrison had Francis Fruge and Anne Dischler check out these leads. But since he was short handed, he decided to switch Fruge and Dischler over to the Clinton-Jackson area. Well, when the Wegmanns got wind of Rolleston, they wrote Aynesworth about him. Aynesworth reassured the lawyers that he had already begun “a systematic checkout on him.” He concluded his letter with, “Meanwhile, don’t worry about Cedric. He’s in the bag.”147
What did the ubiquitous Aynesworth mean by that last comment? We can gain a measure of that by the trip northward to Clinton by Aynesworth and his partner Jim Phelan. Clearly, Shaw’s lawyers were worried about these witnesses. Therefore, the two colleagues went up to the rural area to practice some of the tricks that Walter Sheridan had used to reverse certain witnesses on his special. Aynesworth brought with him a copy of John Manchester’s statement from Garrison’s office, about him recognizing Shaw as the driver of the car. Aynesworth told the sheriff that he could have a job as a CIA handler in Mexico for 38, 000 dollars per year. All he had to do was not show up at Shaw’s trial. Manchester was not at all malleable. He replied with, “I advise you to leave the area. Otherwise, I’ll cut you a new asshole.”148
Who was Walter Sheridan?
The conventional wisdom about Walter Sheridan places him as a former FBI man; reportedly he worked at the Bureau for about four years. He then went to Bobby Kennedy’s Justice Department. There the Attorney General gave him more or less carte blanche over the “Get Hoffa” unit.149 That summary is superficially accurate, but the picture it paints is both narrow and incomplete.
Sheridan’s ties to the intelligence community, beyond the FBI, were wide, deep, and complex. He himself said that, like Guy Banister, he had been with the Office of Naval Intelligence.150 Then, after he left the Bureau, Sheridan did not go directly to the Justice Department. He moved over to the newly established National Security Agency.151 This was a super-secret body created by President Truman in 1952 both to protect domestic codes and communications and to gather intelligence through cracking foreign codes. It was so clandestine that, for a time, the government attempted to deny its existence. Therefore, for a long time, it operated in almost total secrecy. Neither the Congress nor any federal agency had the effective oversight to regulate it.
It is relevant to note here that General David Sarnoff, founder of NBC, worked for the Signal Corps during World War II as a reserve officer. In 1944, Sarnoff worked for the complete restoration of the Nazi destroyed Radio France station in Paris until its signal was able to reach throughout Europe. It was then retitled Radio Free Europe. He later lobbied the White House to expand the range and reach of Radio Free Europe.152 At about this point, Radio Free Europe became a pet project of Allen Dulles. Sarnoff’s company, Radio Corporation of America, became a large part of the technological core of the NSA. During the war, David’s son Robert worked in the broadcast arm of the Office of Strategic Services (OSS), the forreunner of the CIA.153 Robert was president of RCA, NBC’s parent company, at the time Sheridan’s special aired. David was chairman. As we have noted, according to Dean Andrews, Robert—who he called Bobby—made him certain promises during the production of that infamous special. In the sixties, David Sarnoff was also associated with the Rockefeller Brothers Fund panel on foreign policy. As a member of that panel he argued in an essay published in Life, that the USA must fight a stronger and more aggressive battle in the field of psychological warfare against the USSR.154 With these kinds of connections, the reader can see why the Sarnoffs would have little problem relaying a “Shoot him down” order for their former intelligence cohort Sheridan.
It was only after his service with the Office of Naval Intelligence, the FBI, and at the secretive NSA that Sheridan joined forces with RFK. While at the NSA, Sheridan was Chief of Counterintelligence, Special Operations Division, working out of the Office of Security.155 Later on, he became Assistant Chief of the Clearance Division. This is very close to what James Angleton’s duties were at CIA. Therefore it is hard to believe that Sheridan and Angleton did not know each other or work together. Allegedly, at Sheridan’s behest, Sheridan met Bobby Kennedy through a church friend. This was when Chief Counsel Kennedy hired him as an investigator for the McClellan Committee, which was surveying organized crime influences in labor unions. 156 At this time, that committee had just helped convict Teamster union president Dave Beck. RFK would now focus on Beck’s successor, Jimmy Hoffa. The intelligence connections Sheridan garnered at NSA served him well in his new position. Both he and the Attorney General
were on shaky ground with Hoover—Sheridan for quitting the Bureau and RFK for encroaching on the Director’s turf.157 As a result, Hoover extended minimal official help to the Hoffa effort. But, even then, Sheridan, “actually coordinated FBI agents with his own men—told them where to go, and they went.”158 But still, Hoffa proved so elusive that the tactics the pair used in his pursuit were legally questionable. They needed tough, experienced, wily veterans to get a solid indictment of the Teamsters’ chief. Therefore, Sheridan and Kennedy availed themselves of another intelligence unit at their disposal.
In 1961, they began farming out the brunt of their investigatory work to a private proprietary, seemingly created for their own purposes. The company was International Investigators Incorporated, nicknamed “Three Eyes.”159 According to a Senate investigator, it was “owned lock, stock, and barrel by the CIA.”160 Two of the original principals, George Miller and George Ryan, were, like Banister, former G-men who later went to work for CIA cover outfits.161 According to another source, not only was Sheridan the liaison to Three Eyes, he “disposed over the personnel and currency of whole units of the Central Intelligence Agency out of the White House.”162 By 1965, when the investigatory phase of the Hoffa case was complete, Three Eyes was taken over by two former CIA officers.163 One of them, Beurt Ser Vaas, later purchased the Saturday Evening Post.164
This relates to another of Sheridan’s skills, one that he honed to a needlepoint in his campaign against Garrison—the use of media assets. Hoffa always maintained that, because they could not beat him in court, Kennedy and Sheridan would try to win their case in the press.165 As Jim Hougan pointed out, the pair assiduously cultivated a series of media contacts with whom they planted material for lurid exposés of Hoffa and his union. Two of the more cooperative contacts were Time-Life and NBC.166 As we have noted, the former printed many pejorative articles about Garrison’s inquiry. The latter sponsored Sheridan’s special. Given his experience, connections, and influence, Sheridan, it is safe to assume, was the in-house ringleader and overall coordinator of the national media campaign that crested during the summer of 1967, leaving Garrison’s credibility and reputation permanently scarred.
Destiny Betrayed: JFK, Cuba, & the Garrison Case Page 38
