Engagee I never desired to be, much less, last year. Although you told me I was like a snake that manoeuvres to get engaged—you were wrong, my friend, but I love our way of joking. I saw clearly that I could do better, & I see still more clearly today that I have done badly.25
This self-deprecating comment might seem surprising, considering Robidoux's enterprising nature, but he had reason. “For all the merchandise that was in St. Louis belonging to Messrs. Pilcher & Cortes was at my disposal, and I could have gotten more out of it if I had taken more of it. I would have made more, and once again this makes me more susceptible of being subject to reproach.”26
Robidoux made the point very clear that his western forays were nothing that he hid, and in fact were done only after the company's partners had said they did not want anything to do with the Rocky Mountains. He clearly makes the point that he might have gotten a better deal by going to Pilcher's Missouri Fur Company for backing.
It was only after Messrs. Pratte, Cabanne & Berthold showed me their repugnance for the business I had done at the Mountain that I first proposed to you to send there for my own account—you must recall that before I had this idea I told you one day that you should forget to convey some merchandise to the Mountain; Mr. Cabanne who was present told me to take what I thought suitable. I did not know just what was needed, but I set some things aside, and Mr. Berthold came and stopped me, saying to devil with the Spanish—we don't want any more business on that side. And so, now it is the whole of your resources; you have the letter my brother Francois wrote us; I do not think he is mistaken about the beaver there will be in that place—and I flatter myself to tell you that it is not my fault that today you do not have it all—it is up to you to say mea culpa.27
Complaints against Robidoux's tactics continued, flowing primarily from the lips and pen of Cabanné. While Cabanné tried to concentrate the company's activities at the Bluffs post on the trade with the Sioux, he implored Pierre Chouteau Jr. to use his influence with the partners in St. Louis. “I ask you in the name of friendship that is between us, no more Robidoux! This man will bring about our ruin! His competition is no more to be feared than any other's; disabuse yourself, my friend, to buying him at too high a price. What a difference in our affairs if we had not had him? Read my letter to Mr. Kennerly and his answer, and after that judge whether I can see him embarking in our barges without being afraid.” Kennerly served as the sutler at Fort Atkinson, near the Bluff post.28
Cabanné no doubt blamed Robidoux's sideshow, rightly or not, for detracting from operations with the Sioux. Part of Cabanné's frustration came from Sylvestre Pratte, whom he assumed would lead an expedition into the mountains, but instead took men and resources north into the James River valley, a tributary of the Missouri that flowed south across the eastern Dakotas. Sylvestre Pratte was the son of Bernard Pratte, the senior partner of the St. Louis firm for which Cabanné and Robidoux worked. It is most certain that due to business connections in St. Louis and at Council Bluffs, he knew Joseph Robidoux and most of the other brothers. That business connection would later extend to New Mexico.29
J. P. Cabanné claimed he did not have enough men, and that even those he did have were not always trustworthy, as if they were behaving like the freelancer Robidoux. He identified the company agent called Cailloua in terms similar to those he used against Robidoux. He told Pierre Chouteau Jr. about the clerk's less than loyal practices and stated, “This man has great defects, and I repeat that he ought not to be at the head of our affairs.” Regarding Joseph Robidoux he added, “Major B. O'Fallon told me day before yesterday that if he had been here he would have prevented the Robidoux from going to the Mountains, and that he had already written to the Governor to turn them out of there. With such arrangements, judge whether I ought to regret that he— Robidoux—is not here.”30
In postscript, Cabanné further implored, “If, my friend, Cadet could come up here to winter, and I go to the Sioux, this would bring about a great change in our affairs! We would fight the competition; we could not promise, certainly, to produce profits, but we would not do worse than if we left it to the Caillouas and the Robidoux. I offered the Robidoux going to the Mountains on joint and equal account on the next expedition, with the idea that we could then dispose of his returns and get him away from here, but, irresolute as always, nothing could be done with him.”31
Members of Ashley's company of trappers, including James Clyman and Thomas Fitzpatrick, had come back to Fort Atkinson from the Wind River area during the summer of 1824. Hard pressed by their long journey down the Platte River, they brought bundles of beaver pelts and important geographic information for their boss. It is fair to assume Joseph would have listened to the stories, and gotten some sense as to the operations in the Rocky Mountains, even anticipating the intent of Ashley. While Jedediah Smith and a good number of trappers stayed throughout 1824 in the mountains to trap, William Ashley did not personally return to Fort Atkinson until late October 1824 to begin the overland trek that culminated in the first intermountain rendezvous in July 1825.32
William Ashley's alternative plan for his fur company proved both creative and profitable, forever changing the business model of the fur trade in the mountain region from the upper Missouri to the headwaters of the Rio Grande. By passing the questionable water route, Ashley sent his hunters, really bands of independent trappers, into the northern and central Rocky Mountains, particularly the Green River region, to gather furs on their own, not relying solely on Indians to bring in the pelts. Instead of permanent outposts, he would transport everything overland by pack mule or wagon, conduct yearly rendezvous at predetermined sites, collect the pelts, restock the trappers with goods, guns, ammunition, always liquor, then safely float or pack the pelts back to St. Louis to be cashed in. The first of the rendezvous took place in 1825 and ensured the financial success of Ashley's company, and the various business combinations that followed, for the next fifteen years.
During his 1824–25 expedition Ashley floated some distance down the Green River in bull boats. On the return trip up the river toward the rendezvous point on Henry's Fork, he passed the Uintah River, a small tributary of the Duchesne, which flows into the Green from the west in modern northeastern Utah. It has been suggested by some historians that Antoine established a trading post on the Uintah shortly after Ashley saw the area in 1825. Ashley did not encounter Antoine, who had returned to Missouri by then; however, we know that the Uintah area did stick in Antoine's mind, much the same way the Blacksnake Hills lodged in his brother Joseph's memory for future action. As there is no record of if, how long, or where Antoine trapped or traded during the winter of 1825, but the area north and west of Taos, the Gunnison and Green River areas must be suspected. If Smith's recollection is correct, Antoine came down to Taos in February. Either he had made a successful trapping season, or Francois, Louis, and the other brothers had made good returns by trading, for Joseph reported in March to Pierre Chouteau Jr. that Michel had thirty packs of beaver pelts in route.33
Hardly in Taos for six months, Francois ran afoul of Mexican officials. The alcalde of Taos charged Francois with trading guns to the Indians and confiscated his store of trade goods. Governor Baca told the alcalde to return the goods but keep an eye on Francois.34 Francois had another problem to deal with, of a much more personal nature. Sometime during the spring of 1825, he struck up a romance, of undetermined duration, with Lisa Romero of Taos. Nine months later she gave birth to a child, a daughter named Maria Juana, baptized on January 30, 1826. The baptismal record listed the baby as “a natural daughter, of Francisco Rubidoux.” He remained married to Therese in St. Louis at the time, but like so many of the American traders, he embraced the practice of frontier polygamy, a practice so common that no one considered it surprising, due to the long periods of separation commonly experienced by men in the Indian fur trade.35
It appears that Antoine and Isadore probably left New Mexico in March for the usual seven- to eight-week trek
, returning to Council Bluffs and then probably St. Louis for a while. They were issued a passport by the superintendent of Indian Affairs, William Clark, to recross Indian Territory to Mexico, along with brother Michel on June 29, 1825. Antoine's important companion during that first trapping season in the mountains, Etienne Provost, returned to Green River and took part in Ashley's first rendezvous in July 1825.36
Cabanné believed the 1824 expedition to the Rocky Mountains should be followed by another in the spring of 1825, hoping to profit from Robidoux's initiative or that Pratte & Company could trump Joseph's sideshow with a major push by the company. He continued to keep an eye on Robidoux for even a hint of malfeasance. Writing to Chouteau in late July 1825, Cabanné pointed out, “if the expedition had left 1 ½ months ago, as it should, would probably have had good results.” But it still had not left, and Joe Robidoux seemed indifferent to Cabanné's desires, waited for his brother's return from down river. Michel returned to St. Louis for reasons other than business. On June 22, 1825, he married Susanne Vaudry of St. Louis, and obviously may not have been in a rush to get to the Bluffs. Joseph seemed in no hurry to send another expedition off again before counting the expected returns from the first. Cabanné moaned, “In the future I will not think of the Mountains again.”37
Further, Cabanné probably never really knew exactly what the Robidouxs were doing out west, or how the books were being kept, except that a shipment of goods arrived at the Bluffs, apparently from somewhere down the Missouri. “We have just unpacked the merchandise that Robidoux sent; they are in pitiful condition. There is hardly a piece that has not suffered; many are badly damaged, wet and torn. I had to trek for several days to search for merchandise. Only one horse got through; two are on the other shore and cannot be gotten back. Perhaps they are stuck in the mire. I am going to hasten the departure for the Mountains. The men show the greatest repugnance to the very name of Robidoux, and now that they no longer have that pretext they seem just a little disposed towards it. This departure has been put off much too long. If Robidoux' furs come to us, I will have us paid, don't fear, but I am very much afraid they will take another route.” Cabanné closed by telling Chouteau that he had been lenient toward Robidoux, and that it had backfired. He accused Robidoux of lying to the partners in St. Louis. “A true man ought himself to give you a faithful account and not perhaps himself maintain you in an error which others have adroitly and artfully sowed.”38
The issuance of trade licenses by William Clark during the summer of 1825 clearly established who had taken control of the Indian fur trade on the Missouri, from the mouth of the Kanzas River all the way to Fort Atkinson, the Pania villages, and beyond. Documents name Joshua Pilcher, Louis Fontenelle, William Vandenberg, Charles Bent, and Andrew Drips, as licensed on July 4, 1825, and Bernard Pratte & Company, licensed on July 5, giving control of the middle section of the Missouri up past the Mandan villages and to the mouth of the Yellowstone.39
Kennerly reported on August 30, 1825, “Robideaus party from Tous.” We know from a previous letter by Joseph to Chouteau that at least thirty packs of beaver pelts were delivered by the youngest brother Michel, probably by mule train from Taos, and according to brother Francois, plenty more remained to be taken. The next day, the sutler wrote, “had a settlement in part & Division of Furs with Jo Robidoux.” By Kennerly's accounting the expedition, backed by Joseph and led by Antoine, had been gone eleven months.40 Four days later Kennerly recorded, “had a final settlement with Robidoux, he agreed to give mules to Charles Cabanne.” Charles was the son of Jean Pierre, Joseph Robidoux's prime detractor.41
September 13, Kennerly reported a meeting between Cabanné and Robidoux. “Mr. Cabanne had an interview with Robidoux & settled part of their difficulties—Gratiott—Cabanne—Papin & St. Cir (Cerre) were sent down on Sunday to take the Furs of Robido off—Buches—Boat.” The following day, Antoine left for another expedition. “Robidoux's party started to day to Tous a severe storm at night with hail & rain.” The party included four of the brothers: Antoine, Francois, Louis, and Michel. As soon as Antoine had departed, Kennerly noted, “Jo Robidou started to St. Louis in skift—wrote to Gen. Clark, A. Saugrain & Pratte & Co. to receive amt. Robidos acct. from him. And the next day, “Mr. Ranney started to overtake & accompany Robidou to St. Louis to buy goods for sutler of the 1st Regiment under a belief they will have to remain here this winter.”42
Word circulated in 1825 that Mexico had imposed a 25 percent duty on goods being brought into New Mexico and published a long list of goods that were absolutely prohibited. Mexican officials also stated that while Americans could continue to trade for furs, only citizens of Mexico would be allowed to actually trap in Mexican streams. That proved impossible to enforce and the governor in Santa Fe, Antonio Narbona, did nothing about it, issuing licenses to Americans who had the proper funds. From the Missouri Intelligencer published in Franklin, under the title, “Important to New Mexican Traders,” the article announced the trade restrictions. “We have been politely favored by Mr. M. M. Marmaduke, who has lately returned from New Mexico, with a list of articles prohibited by a late law of the Mexican Congress. Considerable dissatisfaction having for some time been manifested by the persons engaged in the commerce from, this state, in consequence of the duty of 25 per cent, imposed upon them, which they deemed illegal, Mr. Marmaduke and Col. M'Clure, on behalf of themselves and fellow adventurers, addressed a letter to Mr. Wilcocks, American Consul at the City of Mexico on the subject.” Most of the items on the forty-six lines of the list were foodstuffs and clothing.43
The text of the reply from the American consul, Santiago Smith Wilcocks, appeared in the same edition. “Gentlemen: I received by the last mail, your favour of the 18th December in which you complain of an imposition which you seemed to think had been practiced on you by the Alcalde of the village of San Miguel, and have to say in reply, that if you only paid the twenty-five per cent duty you speak of, on your goods, you get them into the country at a cheaper rate through that place than you could have done at any of the seaports; and that I understand the law is the same relative to the introduction of goods whether they come by way of the ports or frontier towns. In July last the established duty was 25 per cent and 2 ½ per cent consulando; the municipal charges which amount to about half per cent more, making in the whole 28 percent.” If that duty seemed outrageous to the traders going into New Mexico, the American consul simply told them to buck up and pay it. Augustus Storrs, an American who had traveled to Santa Fe in 1824 in response to questions posed by Missouri senator Thomas Hart Benton, stated the obvious, “the Americans, universally suspected, that this duty was arbitrarily imposed by the governor of New Mexico, without law.” Robidoux's 1825 expedition must have been hit with the same duties, cutting into the profit margin.44
To avoid the tariff, many Americans resorted to smuggling or caching (burying) some of their goods beyond the reach of the border guards or Mexican officials. Not only did the Americans have to outwit the tax agents, but at times their fellow countrymen who gained advantage from turning in their competitors. Francois fell victim to such underhanded action when he brought back merchandise from the Bluffs during the fall of 1825. Juan Bautista Vigil, the Mexican tax agent from Santa Fe who had come up to Taos at the behest of Sylvestre Pratte, confiscated the goods of Francois, those he had not cached, for not having a proper invoice. The goods were locked up in the house of the alcalde of Taos, Severino Martinez. Francois and Manuel Alvarez rushed the seventy miles to Santa Fe, after protests that brother Michel would show up any minute with the proper paperwork went for naught. Arriving at the home of the tax collector, Francois reportedly produced one hundred pesos and presented them to Vigil, not as a bribe, but in repayment of a debt. Apparently Francois had neglected to pay an earlier fee for a license to trap the previous spring. All things settled, Francois collected his merchandise from the alcalde and went on about his business in Taos.45
Evidently, Francois still held land in St.
Louis County, for it was listed for delinquent taxes in 1825. According to the public notice, the property consisted of 160 acres on the Mississippi below Carondelet, and the tax bill was six dollars.46 During the 1820s Francois spent limited time in the St. Louis community, for he found the environs of Taos, particularly some of its people, as we have already noted, to his liking. As part of the growing American presence in New Mexico, Francois's life drew attention to the manifest cultural differences. It appeared some Mexicans wanted or appreciated the influence of the trappers and traders, while others could find nothing positive about the recent influx. Not long after arriving in New Mexico, Francois wrote to the alcalde of Taos in January 1825, stating, “During my stay in this plaza since the 25th of November until today, there has not been committed, on the part of my people or myself, any disorder, scandal nor any controversy with these honorable neighbors. Moreover, my people, as well as myself, in our business dealings, and community and political relationships, have always exhibited the greatest harmony and brotherhood. We have always respected the laws, and the authorities, and the well established customs.”47
The exact location of Michel during the autumn of 1825 is a bit problematic. It is believed he returned with Antoine's party to Taos leaving from the Bluffs in September. If that is the case he would have arrived back in Taos sometime in November and been there, as Francois indicated during the tariff mess. But records show he engaged in trade on the Missouri below Council Bluffs, after delivering the furs from New Mexico. On October 8, 1825, he was issued a license by the superintendent of Indian Affairs, William Clark, in St. Louis, to trade at the mouth of the Kanzas River, the Grand Loup and Republican River, Panca villages, and at Bellevue. The license, issued for one year, required a $1,000 bond and Michel reported capital of $2,450.26. We could suppose that the money came from Michel's share of the first mountain expedition or from Joseph. It is possible that Michel's license had actually been taken out by Joseph to test the competition with his employer, Bernard Pratte & Company. That organization also received license to trade in the same Kanza River location on December 5, 1825.48
The Brothers Robidoux and the Opening of the American West Page 12
