Working on the assumption he purchased the Reed post, Antoine may have expanded the facilities, adding other buildings and a stockade. He also may have moved the site one hundred yards away from the current of the Unitah to avoid the spring floods. We do not know when that may have taken place or if Antoine in buying the supposed post had actually just bought out Reed and Julien's interest in trapping the area. The post, whether it came into existence in 1832 or 1837, was called Fort Robidoux, among other titles, including Fort Uinta, Fort Winty, or Twinty. When finished, the enclosure measured about sixty by sixty feet with a gate on both the north and south. The walls of the structures consisted of logs, with twig- and sod-covered roofs and packed-dirt floors.21
Good evidence, supplied by another of the giants of the American West, Kit Carson, connects the Brothers Robidoux, if not Antoine specifically, with an active Indian trade in the Uintah region during the early 1830s. Carson had been trapping the intermountain region of the Four Corners with some success during 1831–1832 and took the cache of furs to Taos during the summer to cash them in. “We arrived at Taos in October, 1832 [which may have actually been 1833], disposed of our beaver for a good sum, and everything of mountain life was forgotten for the time present. In Taos, I found Captain Lee of the U.S.A., a partner of Bent and St. Vrain. He purchased goods to trade with the trappers. I joined him and in the latter part of the month of October we started for the mountains to find the trappers. We followed the Spanish trail that leads to California till we struck White River, took down the White River till we struck Green River, crossed Green to the Wintey [Unitah] one of its tributaries. There we found Mr. Robidoux. He had a party of some twenty men that were trapping and trading.” Carson did not specifically identify Antoine, and possibly the Robidoux encountered may have been Louis, as Antoine had business in Santa Fe during that same period. Either one, it represents an important bit of information as to the size and resources of the Robidoux's operation, as these were probably the men he partnered with Waldo to bring out to the hacienda nationals in September 1831.22
Carson did not mention specifically seeing a fort or other structures belonging to Antoine, but he did state, “The snow now commencing to fall and we concluded to go into winter quarters. We found a place that answered every purpose on the mouth of the Wintey.” Carson went into winter quarters at the confluence of the Duchesne and Green Rivers and built two or three cabins, which later were referred to as a fort. Carson then undertook an adventure on behalf of Robidoux. “During the winter a California Indian of Mr. Robidoux's party run off with six animals,—some of them being worth two hundred dollars per head. Robidoux came to me and requested that I should pursue him.” That information tells us that if not actually staying in Antoine's outpost, then Carson lay close enough by that Robidoux knew exactly where to find him. The two men apparently struck a deal and Carson set off after the horses. He chased the California Indian 130 miles before overtaking him. Carson observed, “Seeing me by myself, he showed fight. I was under the necessity of killing him, recovered the horses, and returned on my way to our camp, and arrived in a few days without any trouble.”23 Again, another unique insight is offered about the Robidoux's operation. Not that horses had been stolen and recovered, a commonplace event in the West, but that he had employed a California Indian, hundreds of miles from home in northeastern Utah.
Another brief bit of anecdotal information regarding activity in the vicinity of the confluence of the White and Duchesne Rivers with the Green comes from the journal of Warren Ferris. During the fall of 1834, the trapping party of Ferris reportedly took up quarters where trappers from Taos and the Ute Indians congregated. He wrote, “During our stay on this river, one of the log huts was occupied by those trappers from Taos, who joined us last fall.” Ferris does not name Robidoux, but since he knew the family from his earlier exploits along the Snake River, one would assume he would have mentioned the name in his journal. In a sense, his remarks confirm Carson's stories about activity in that area, the presence of cabins, indicating a trading post of some kind, possibly even the winter quarters Carson built the year before. And the Robidouxs did operate out of Taos.24
The Kit Carson story mentioning the California Indian brings up another point of interest in the life of Antoine. When did he go to California? It would be a fair assumption that the California Indian mentioned by Carson had been one of several acquired by Antoine during a visit to that Mexican province on the Pacific Coast. We know from later events that Antoine had been to California, at least long enough to form an impression and later talk in glowing terms about it to a man named John Bidwell, but we don't know exactly when. Using Carson's time frame, Antoine may have gone west, over the Old Spanish Trail, or possibly the Gila River route used by various trapping parties, sometime prior to 1830. Of course, there exists the possibility that he simply met or hired the California Indian through another trapper or trader from New Mexico. Another supposition regarding Antoine's contact with California may be that he participated in the frequent and sometime large-scale raids conducted by New Mexicans to steal and resale California horses, which might explain the whole Carson story to begin with.25
There was, of course, a more terrible aspect of the intermountain trade that arose, being much more serious than horse thievery: the slave trade in Indians, conducted first by the Spanish, followed by the Mexicans, and eventually the Americans who came into the region, like Antoine Robidoux. Because of his family background, he was no stranger to the concept of slavery. He grew up with them around his household; his father had owned them; and his older brother Joseph owned and traded slaves. The historian Ned Blackhawk, in his book, Violence over the Land, provides good evidence of a flourishing trade in the Southwest for Indian slaves, and a number of contemporaries traveling through or working in the Rocky Mountains and Great Basin commented on it. The Mexicans and Anglos could not abuse the larger tribes with military prowess, but they did trade for squaws, children, or captives with nearly every Indian nation of the Great Basin region and prey on weaker tribes unable to defend themselves. By the 1830s the Mexicans established a lucrative trade as “systematic as ever were the slavers on the seas.”26
According to Thomas Farnham, one such tribe frequently raided for slaves lived along a stream called the Severe (Sevier or San Sebero south of Utah Lake) River in Utah. Called by various names, the Paiutes or Land Pitches (Sand-pitch) or Diggers, they were “the most degraded and least intellectual Indians known to the trappers. They wear no clothing of any description—build no shelters. They eat roots, lizards, and snails. They provide nothing for future wants. Persons who have visited their haunts after a severe winter, have found the ground around these family ovens strewn with the unburied bodies of the dead, and others crawling among them, who had various degrees of strength. These poor creatures are hunted in the spring of the year, when weak and helpless, by a certain class of men, and when taken are fattened, carried to Santa Fe and sold as slaves during their minority. A ‘likely girl’ in her teens brings often times 60 or 80 pounds English currency [up to $200]. The males are valued less.”27 Uncle Dick Wootton, a trapper and Robidoux contemporary during the 1830s in Utah stated it succinctly, “It was not an uncommon thing in those days (back in the 30s) to see a party of Mexicans in that country (the Great Basin) buying Indians, and while we were trapping there I sent a lot of peltries to Taos by a party of those same slave traders.” And Farnham added, “even bold old beaver-hunters sometimes descends to this mean traffic.” It is nearly a certainty that Antoine participated in that traffic based on descriptions by contemporaries of his post on the Unitah (discussed in a later chapter). 28
So the next question arises, did Antoine use the post on the Gunnison as a supply base for the Uintah operation, or did separate routes exist from the settlements of New Mexico? To get to the Unitah fort from the Uncompahgre post, a distance of 150 miles as the crow flies, took the Robidouxs over some rugged and barren landscape. Antoine got wagons to the Gu
nnison post but had to rely on pack mules to reach the Unitah. It is a certainty he blazed several possible routes, looking for the shortest and easiest. A direct overland route would have taken him down the Gunnison to the vicinity of today's Grand Junction, Colorado, then through the canyons of the Book and Roan Cliffs, across a stretch of desert, before striking the White River and the valley of the lower Green. We know he traveled that way because of the Westwater Creek inscription. On a longer but likely not as demanding route, Antoine followed the Smith Trace of the Old Spanish Trail from the Gunnison to the Green River, then followed the valley north to the confluence of the Duchesne then northwest to the confluence of the Uintah. That route doubled the distance, but provided a proven path with plenty of fresh water and forage for the pack animals.29
Demonstrating that itch for profit, displayed by all the Brothers Robidoux, and not afraid of venturing into new endeavors to do so, Antoine appears in the New Mexico archives as the purchaser in 1834 of the “Cerro del Oro” mine near Santa Fe. He bought the mine from Dolores Jallono, Ignacio Ladron de Guevara, and Marcelino Abreu. Santiago Abreu, the alcalde of Santa Fe, witnessed the transaction. The region produced copper to be certain, but the amount of precious metals, gold, and silver always remained somewhat questionable. Antoine's purchase may have been based purely on speculation, or the sellers may have provided some questionable figures to induce him to take the chance. There is no record as to whether he made anything from it.30
Antoine's business connections in the region remained somewhat anchored in Santa Fe. Louis remained strongly grounded there with his family and participated in supplying his and Antoine's operations via the caravans coming from Missouri over the Santa Fe Trail. Like Louis, Antoine on occasion gave guarantee of foreign traders from the United States to Mexican customs officials, and also on occasion, found himself having to pay debts for them. On August 26, 1835, Antoine signed a statement, which read, “Antonio Robidouse neighbor of this city, at this time I am the constituted lender of Ricand D. Dallan for the amount of six hundred forty eight pesos and five grains (gold) that he owes to this frontier customs office for the effects that according to the corresponding manifest was presented. Mister Dallan will not be able to pay the debt within the time allowed by law, so I am the constituted payee in every form. I will pay the debt in a satisfactory manner for him.” And so he did, for the notation “Paid” appeared below his signature.31
Isadore remained active in the Santa Fe Trade while still maintaining his base in St. Louis. At times he appears in New Mexico working for or assisting his brothers, and occasionally he seems to be running his own deals. In 1835 he became involved in a dispute between the local government assembly and a number of Americans who maintained close trade ties with the United States. The financial dispute led to a group of traders, including Isadore, Manuel Alvarez, Josiah Gregg, P. W. Thompson, and L. L. Waldo, signing a petition, asking the United States minister to Mexico, Powhatan Ellis, to intervene with the Mexican national government. Ellis took no real action, as the feeling of distrust of any foreigners, especially Americans ran high in Mexico City, not discounting the 1835–1836 revolt going on in Texas.32
The Robidoux presence in Santa Fe provided an important bridge between the outpost province of northern Mexico and the United States. By retaining their Americanism, while also becoming citizens of Mexico, they rambled freely between the two cultures and encouraged the exchange of commerce and resources. By taking Mexican wives and embracing the social practices of their new home, and by taking unto themselves roles of leadership within the Santa Fe community, they invited Americans, be they other Frenchmen or Anglos, to explore the possibilities to develop the region and build new fortunes. Antoine's forays into the intermountain region opened new trails that others would follow, thus greatly expanding the American knowledge of the area, an area that they would soon come to occupy at the expense of the Robidouxs' new adopted country.
CHAPTER 8
Joseph Builds His Own Town
By 1835, there may have been two hundred or more families living illegally in the southern part of the Indian Territory in which Joseph's trading post stood. General Andrew Hughes, in charge of the subagency near the Blacksnake Hills, loathed the idea of taking action against the whites. Joseph tried to have a good working relationship with Hughes, but ultimately failed at the effort, probably as much the fault of the general's personality as Joseph's attempt to induce favorable treatment. While trying to maintain a wilderness conducive to the ongoing Indian trade, and as close to a monopoly in the area as possible, Joseph did not care for Hughes's attitude. Robidoux accused him of uneven tactics when it came to other traders who invaded his territory, particularly in regard to Geoffrey (Jeffre) Dorwin, whom the general and Joseph had butted heads over.
The trade situation in the region proved tense at best with several potentially bad encounters leading to a simmering animosity. “Several days ago Messrs. Owens and Vasseur, partners of Jeffre, arrived, armed to the teeth, to pick a quarrel with me for what they had circulated amongst their like—but as they are rogues and therefore cowardly, in place of quarreling with me they were very decent—some time ago they had stolen a mule from me, which they brought back without my bringing them to justice. They took the Sacs away with them to G. Hughes—& I am certain that the latter charged them to hold a council and these gentlemen, who are traders, interpreters—there are no others—& after this council this Hughes will fabricate a letter, as he has done before. The older one gets the stupider one gets—pardon the expression—nevertheless I should have had enough experience not to have flung myself into this hell—but with the grace of God—and my good fortune, I hope to get out of it.”1
Nonetheless, the Indian agent at Fort Leavenworth, John Daugherty, proposed in 1835 to use federal troops to get the squatters out of the region. At that same time members of Missouri's congressional delegation, headed by Senators Lewis F. Linn and Thomas Hart Benton, proceeded with their efforts to get support to annex the area. In August 1835, Linn wrote to John Forsyth, secretary of state, to discuss the issue of possible military intervention to remove the squatters. He hoped to head off trouble from such an action and reinforce the impetus to acquire the area. “I hear an order has come from the War Department to remove the families who have settled on the Indian lands lying between our western boundary and the Missouri River, by military force. You know the independent and daring character of our frontier population, and knowing, you will easily believe that this step is not to be accomplished without violence and much distress, as the families are two or three hundred in number. The accompanying diagram will at a glance show you what we want, and at the same time the utter uselessness of this portion of country for Indian purposes.”2
In September 1835, William Clark called a meeting of the Ioway and Missouri bands and the Sac and Fox Indians at Fort Leavenworth for the purpose of signing a treaty. In the document they gave up lands totaling about two million acres, which allowed the northwest Missouri border to extend to the river. Known as the Platte Purchase, the area included the counties of Platte, Buchanan (including the Blacksnake Hills), Andrew, Nodaway, Atchison, and Holt. In exchange the Indians received $7,500 in cash, reservation lands in Kansas, the promise of a school, livestock, and miscellaneous other incentives, which included a ferryboat. One of the witnesses of the treaty signed, “H. Robidou, Jr.” Though the first initial does not match, Joseph E. is believed to be the signer.3
Robidoux's wilderness outpost, once beyond the leading edge of the frontier line, suddenly sat directly on top of it. People began to flood in and he had to secure his claims. Robidoux hoped to receive from the government two sections of land, encompassing his post, for his help in dealing with the Indians, particularly his friend and trade partner, the Ioway chief White Cloud. That help, apparently quickly forgotten by the government, possibly on the report of his nemesis, General Hughes, got Robidoux no reward. Even a word of support from Missouri senator Thomas Hart Be
nton did not do Joseph any good. In September 1835, he wrote Chouteau to discuss their business relationship. Apparently Joseph had in mind going it on his own again, making the Blacksnake Hills truly an independent post, and thus made proposition to that effect. “My dear Cadet, that I worked a long time to earn the little I have—& that I do not wish to lose it—Last winter you proposed wages to me; although I do not like to be an engagee, perhaps, to avoid difficulties that I like even less, I will accept $3,000 for my two years, & the dwelling. I will buy the animals if that suits you. I think I earned last year, either by chance or luck, the $3,000 that I asked for—& if you need my services for another year, I will remain, at the same price—but I believe that that will be the end of my days.”4
Early in 1836, Joseph Robidoux wrestled with another family problem. He caught word that his son Joseph E. might be joining Hughes, Owens, Jeffre & Company, the same Jeffre, (Geoffrey Dorwin) who had become legitimate by acquiring a license to conduct the Indian trade. Joseph could not bear the thought of his own flesh and blood working against him, with someone who carried such an utter hatred of him, so he wrote to an old trading partner at Council Bluffs, Abady Sarpy, for help. “They have Robidoux as their engage and it is only with his aid that they dare to undertake this journey, which they will carry out if you do not help me. For this purpose I beg you to write to Robidoux that you will engage him for the spring trade at a reasonable price, and if you deprive them of Robidoux I have no doubt that their speculations will fail. Being his father, I cannot permit myself to lure him to me. But you, a stranger, can make him the proposal, which I believe he will accept with pleasure, because he knows that it is painful to me to see him with such people.”5
The Brothers Robidoux and the Opening of the American West Page 20
