by Dale Brown
notes in a small notebook. "I will deliver your query to my government,
the ambassador said, "along with your earlier statements and concerns.
'Tang then closed his notebook, as if signaling an end to their meeting;
it had lasted only a few minutes. "Have you any messages from your
government, Mr. Ambassador?" Secretary Danahall asked. "Does your
government simply request that the world allow you to occupy the
Philippines with large military forces? Or do you want nothing more than
to be a willing mercenary for Daniel Teguina's first coup?"
"We are not seeking conquest, only stability for my coun try, " Tang
said. "We see the unrest in the Philippines as extremely injurious to
Chinese trade, foreign relations, and social and political stability in
our own country. As you know, gentlemen, the Philippines has many
ethnic Chinese in its population, as well as loyal supporters of the
world socialist movement, all of whom have suffered in past years. If
we fail to support Communist leaders overseas and allow those with
common beliefs and heritage to be slain and dominated by others, how
would my government appear in the eyes of its own people?" Danahall,
Cesare, and Kellogg refrained from replying or voicing their outrage at
Tang's flamboyant, rhetorical remarks. Finally, after all these weeks
of waiting, all these days of threats of military conflict, the Chinese
were going to get around to their demands-it would not be useful at this
point to interrupt, no matter how offbeat or disagreeable his words
were. "We are also very concerned about other problems in the South
China Sea region, namely the dispute over the Spratly Islands and
Palawan. China has claimed possession of those islands for hundreds of
years; we feel we have the right to develop those islands, all of those
islands, as we see fit. The current inequitable division of the Spratly
Islands will no doubt cause much bloodshed in the future. "The
Philippine island of Palawan also once belonged to China, as evidenced
by the large number of ethnic Chinese living there." Tang paused
knowingly, making eye contact with the Americans before him, and said,
"If Chinese claims to the Spratly Islands and Palawan could be resolved
in a way favorable to all concerned, perhaps a way might be found to
avert disaster and bloodshed." So that was it, Danahall thought: China
wanted the Spratly Islands and Palawan. Danahall and his staff had had
to do some serious cramming in recent days to reacquaint themselves with
those two island chains that China seemed ready to go to war over. And,
historically, Tang was right-several hundred years ago, before European
explorers ventured to the Orient in large numbers, Chinese merchantmen,
fishermen, and refugees did populate most of the islands in the South
China Sea, including the Spratlys and most of the Philippines. Like the
Spratlys, Palawan had been occupied and claimed by many Asian,
Polynesian, and European nations over the centuries. At least a dozen
countries had claims for these rugged, dangerous islands. But all that
was rather ancient history. China might have a fairly solid claim to
the Spratly Islands-which they had already reportedly traded to Vietnam,
at least for the time being-but whether they had any modern claim to
Palawan was another thing entirely. What possible use China had for
Palawan was a mystery to Danahall. The island was mountainous, sparsely
populated, and useless as a shipping or trading port because of its
proximity to the "Dangerous Ground, " the shallow waters of the South
China Sea, so hazardous to commercial freighters. It might make a
strategic air-base location from which to threaten islands and waters
belonging to other ASEAN countries, but even that was doubtful. Was
this some sort of new manifest destiny for China-or a cover for
something else. . .? "I think negotiations over these two areas of
concern are important and can be implemented immediately, Mr.
Ambassador, " Secretary Danahall said. "Of course, other affected
nations will have to participate-and an immediate cessation of all
hostilities must be declared "If that can include Samar and his Moslem
rebel militia, I agree wholeheartedly, Mr. Secretary, " Tang replied.
"I think we can be helpful in securing Vice President Samar's
cooperation, " Frank Kellogg said, "but it would be a waste of time to
try to begin negotiations without first calling for an immediate
cease-fire and a pullback of all forces . . "If we can receive
assurances that your naval and air forces will not try to fortify or
assist the Samar rebels, and promise not to attack any Chinese forces at
any time, a cease-fire might be possible. But it would be supercilious
for us to abandon our agreement with President Teguina and simply leave
him alone and unprotected without first guaranteeing that his government
will remain intact during our negotiations. Now, if Samar's rebel
forces would give up their hold on the city of Davao and the Samar
International Airport, perhaps my government would be more amenable to
encouraging a dialogue with the Philippine government." This time all
the Americans paused. They were afraid this might happen. Promising
not to attack Chinese forces was no problem-the President didn't want to
do it in any case-but they knew that Davao was the last pin keeping the
Philippines from falling apart. If Samar's people abandoned the city,
the Philippines would fall forever-if not to the Chinese, then to
Teguina's Communists. Samar might be a Moslem, but he also believed in
a unified Philippines. It was obvious that Teguina believed in nothing
but himself and his power. Tang was asking assistance from the U.S.
government to destroy the last obstruction to total domination by the
Communists. "I think that discussion can wait for more detailed
negotiations between our representatives, " Danahall said-he didn't want
to encourage him with even a veiled "maybe, " but he didn't want to
indicate that it was out of the question, either. "We're getting ahead
of ourselves here. Let's get our respective governments to agree on an
immediate cease-fire first..." But Tang recognized Danahall's hesitation
and had obviously concluded that the Americans would agree to nothing
here. "Why do you support this Moslem Samar?" Tang asked. "He is
nothing but a rabble-rouser. He is a definite hindrance to peace, Mr.
Secretary. He is not deserving of your country's support."
"We support a peaceful solution to this crisis, Mr. Ambassador..."
"I truly hope so, Mr. Secretary, " Tang said. "It appears to my
government, however, that the United States wishes to regain its lost
military dominance in the Philippines. You are aligning yourself with a
traitor and criminal, blinding your citizens to Samar's violent and
revolutionary past, in an obvious attempt to gain some sort of
legitimacy for a military invasion of your own. That is not the way to
solve this crisis, sir."
"There are those who feel that China is trying to exert its influence in
the region by the use of force, " Kellogg s
aid, "and that you will stop
at nothing to achieve it. They fear China may use another nuclear
weapon to obliterate Samar's militia. Tang bristled at the mention of
the word "nuclear, " and the Americans knew that the meeting was at an
end. He rose to his feet, his hands still folded before him; his face
was just as impassive and expressionless as ever. "I believe we have
discussed all pertinent topics. With your permission, we will deliver
your messages to my government with all speed."
"Include this message, Mr. Ambassador, " Danahall said coldly. "If the
United States detects any further activity in the Davao Gulf or on
Mindanao to suggest that Chinese troops are moving to take the city of
Davao, its airport, or the towns around the northern part of the Davao
Gulf or delta, the United States will consider that a hostile act
against an ally and will respond appropriately." Danahall and the
others rose. "Good day, Mr. Ambassador." Danahall kept his fingertips
on the table, without extending a hand. Tang gave a short bow, as did
his interpreter and assistant, and they departed. "God, I must be
getting old, " Danahall said. He dropped into a chair, letting Kellogg
take his desk back. "I can't sell it like I used to." Kellogg's outer
office phone buzzed. "Yes?"
"Staff meeting in five minutes, sir, " his secretary said. Kellogg
acknowledged the call and hung up. The message was a simple code to let
them all know that the Secret Service wanted to come in to sweep the
office, hallways, and anterooms for newly planted listening devices
before the men began talking about anything of substance. "I wanted to
avoid giving the man a damned ultimatum, and that's exactly what I ended
up giving him, " Danahall said. "Dumb..."
"I'm sorry I mentioned the 'N' word, " Kellogg said. "I guess I'll
never make much of a diplomat."
"We're all thinking about it, and he knew it. It had to come out sooner
or later." Danahall paused, then said, "But I think he did leave us a
few cracks we can explore-not very big cracks, but at least it's
something to work on. "I hope something happens in the next twenty-four
hours, " Kellogg said grimly as they stood to allow the Secret Service
to begin their work, "because otherwise I think the diplomatic side has
just run its course." SANTA CRUZ CHANNEL, NEAR THE CITY OF ZAMBOANGA THE
PHILIPPINES SUNDAY, 9 OCTOBER 1994, 0715 HOURS LOCAL aboard the Chinese
Liberation Army Navy destroyer ong Lung for the day watch and flag staff
began at five A.M. with reveille shortly before sunrise, prayers for
those who were so inclined (Admiral Yin Po L'un, and therefore most of
his flag staff, were not), a thirty-minute exercise period, cleanup, and
breakfast, which usually consisted of chicken or fish soup, rice, tea,
and hard candy or caramel squares for the enlisted men. Morning
inspection began at six-fifteen, and the reports from each section
aboard ship were received by the captain by ten minutes to seven. By
seven A.M. the executive officers of each ship of the fleet escorting
the Hong Lung reported to the Admiral's chief of operations, as did the
group commanders from the three other naval battle groups in the
southern Philippines; Yin's chief of operations then compiled the
morning report for the Admiral for presentation precisely at
seven-fifteen. The Admiral first received a synopsis of
incoming-messagetraffic from Beijing or South China Sea fleet
headquarters in Zhanjiang (important messages would of course have
received his immediate attention), then a theater situation briefing and
intelligence briefing. Yin's chief of operations, Captain Sun Ji
Guoming, bowed deeply as he began: "Sir, I am pleased to provide you
with the following theater briefing summary at this time, updated as of
five A.M. local time: "The primary threat to People's Liberation Army
Navy's forces involved in the Philippines conflict currently is the
United States Navy's aircraft carrier Independence battle group from
Japan operating in the Luzon Strait, the U.S. Army Twenty-fifth Infantry
Division deployed to Guam, elements of the U.S. Marine Corps Third
Marine Amphibious Force mobilized on Okinawa and deployed with the
Independence carrier battle group, and the deployment of the Air Force
First Air Battle Wing to Andersen Air Force Base on Guam. It is
important to point out that these all represent partial deployments of
each unit, with approximately thirty to forty percent held in reserve at
their home bases. "Major elements of the U.S. Army's Twenty-fifth
Infantry Division were recently relocated to Andersen Air Force Base
from Hawaii, with approximately eight thousand troops. It is designed
to be a light, quickly deployable force. Our intelligence estimates
state, however, that insufficient air or sealift capability exists to
move this force from Guam to the Philippines with any speed. However,
if they did move this force, we would oppose them with twice the number
of infantry troops already in place on Mindanao and four times the
number on Luzon and other areas of the Philippines. Elements of the
Second Infantry Division in South Korea and Japan have also been
mobilized, but we estimate they are still several days from being called
into action and at least a week after that to see action in the
Philippines. "The Third Marine Division and elements of the First Marine
Aircraft Wing have been deployed with the Independence carrier battle
group, which is now stationed offshore approximately sixty kilometers
northeast of Y'ami Island in the Luzon Strait; this is approximately
three hundred and fifty kilometers north of the Philippines. In our
estimation, the carrier battle group is not in position to strike into
Luzon at this time, al though they can be in position to strike with
their aircraft within twenty-four hours and in position to begin ground
operations on Luzon within forty-eight to seventy-two hours; this is
what is currently driving our threat condition status throughout the
People's Liberation Army. The total American naval force includes
approximately sixteen warships, ten support ships, four to six
submarines-perhaps more, the exact number is uncertain-twenty fighter
aircraft, and fifty fixedwing strike aircraft. "The Fifth Marine
Pre-positioning Force from Hawaii has been activated and is deployed in
the Philippine Sea with approximately five thousand Marines and forty
helicopters, including the MV-22 tilt-rotor transport aircraft that was
apparently used in the rescue of Samar and the American pilot on
Mindanao. This force can strike in the central Philippines within
twenty-four to forty-eight hours' notice as well. This force includes
two landing-ship carriers, four tank-landing carriers, and four support
vessels. "The greatest naval threat to our forces in the southern
Philippines was the Ranger carrier battle group, " Sun continued. "The
carrier itself is still heavily damaged and considered out of
commission; it is being towed to Pearl Harbor, Hawaii, and except for
vertical takeoff and landi
ng aircraft is unable to conduct any flight
operations." A rustle of approving voices filled the conference room.
"However, the latest report has shown that a destroyer and a
guided-missile cruiser from the Ranger group are en route to the Celebes
from Indonesia and will be within missile range of some of our ships
within the next four to five hours. They are being joined by a six-ship
surface action group led by the battleship Wisconsin, en route from
Hawaii, which our estimates say will be in position to attack in three
to five days; these groups carry land-attack Tomahawk cruise missiles.
Our embassy has received word that the Ranger's support ships intend to
conduct search and rescue operations for their downed crew members lost
in the air battle last week-"
"They will not be permitted to enter the Celebes Sea, " Admiral Yin said
solemnly. "That I can promise. When Davao has been taken, Group One
and Group Two will form to oppose these task forces until additional
forces arrive from the mainland."
"Yes, sir, " Sun continued. "This leaves the greatest threat to the
southern Philippines task force, in the estimation of our intelligence
section: the American Air Force. The First Air Battle Wing currently
deployed on Guam reportedly has two dozen B-52 heavy bombers, perhaps
eight long-range supersonic B-1 and F-1 11 bombers, nearly a dozen
medium-range F-15 supersonic bombers, two dozen F-15 and F-16 fighter
escorts, and various support aircraft, including reconnaissance, early
warning, intelligence, and aerial refueling aircraft. Unverified
reports from our patrols in the Philippine Sea say that the Americans
might have sent B-2s as well. "This force can strike within three hours
with enough standoff weaponry to devastate large sections of our
deployed battle groups. They have been flying reconnaissance flights as
far west as Talaud Island, within radar range of our warships outside
Davao Gulf. One U-2 spy plane was shot down last night by the destroyer
Zhangyhum. we estimate the U-2 was able to get pictures of our vessels
in Davao Gulf itself."
"It does not sound like much of a threat to me, Captain, " Admiral Yin
