by David Grant
104.Diodorus 17.53.1 for the lengthening of the Persian weapons. As an example of the troop numbers credited to the Persians at Thermopylae see Herodotus 7.186 and compare to Arrian 3.8.4, Diodorus 17.53.3 and Plutarch 31.1 who reported one million soldiers (or more) faced the Macedonians at Gaugamela. Only Curtius 4.12.13 gave a sensible count at 245,000. Curtius 3.11.7 for his comment on counting losses and 3.11.27 for his exact numbers of deaths on both sides.
105.Green (1974) p 31 for the 300,000 gold pieces.
106.See Green (2007) p 11 and Borza (1995) pp 40-43 for gold and silver production. Also Hammond-Atkinson (2013) notes to Arrian 7.9.3 p 319 for discussion of the captured mines. They were also referenced in Justin 8.3.12-13. Hammond Philip (1994) p 5 for additional goldmines, p 5 and p 31 for other mineral resources and p 39 for 1,000 talents a year. Drawing from Diodorus 16.8.7, Demosthenes First Olynthiac 18.235. Hammond (1991) p 14 for the former Edones. Heckel-Jones (2006) pp 21-22 for Macedonian soldier pay rates. Curtius 5.1.45, Diodorus 17.64.6 for the lower numbers.
107.Following Anson (2013) p 18 for state provisioning. Sekunda (1984) p 28 and Heckel-Jones (2006) p 18 for MAK inscribed on a sarissa butt. Hatzopoulos (1996) p 267 for the absence of a middle class. Hatzopoulos (1996) p 268 for the 30,000 recruit estimate. Aristotle Athenian Constitution 42.3 for the training of the ephebes.
108.Quoting Hornblower (1981) p 211.
109.For Cleitus’ appointment as strategos of Bactria and Sogdia see Curtius 8.1.19-21.
110.Following the observation by Griffiths (1935) p 39 for the nationalist spirit of Antipater’s men. See epilogue titled The Return to Aegae for more on the heroon.
111.Curtius 6.1.8 for the ‘prestige of old and present’. Agis was able to raise 30 silver talents from Persia and eight thousand Greek mercenaries from Crete; see Arrian 2.13.4-6, Curtius 4.1.38-40, Diodorus 17.48.1. Alexander sent Antipater 3,000 talents for the war, Arrian 3.16.10 for the funds. The total casualty numbers discussed in Adams (1985) p 83 and following his observation. Xenophon Spartan Constitution 7.1-5 for Lycurgus’ ban on moneymaking activity. The Spartans used mercenaries as early as the battle of Megalopolis in 331 BCE; Parke (1933) p 201 for discussion of mercenary numbers.
112.Plutarch Agis 15.4 for a ‘battle of mice’.
113.Diodorus 17.62.6-17.63 for Memnon’s revolt and the battle. Aeschines 3.165 (Against Ctesiphon) for Corrhagus’ defeat.
114.Plutarch Agesilaus 15.4 for the ‘mice’ label. Curtius 6.1.17-19 went as far as claiming Alexander resented the victory as it detracted from his own glory, perhaps supporting Plutarch’s statement. Arrian 2.13.4 for Agis’ journeying to Siphnos in a single trireme where he met Pharnabazus and Autophradates. Parke (1933) p 201 for discussion on the mercenary numbers at Megalopolis.
115.Curtius 6.1.7-16 for the violence of the conflict at Megalopolis citing losses as 3,500 Spartans and 1,000 Macedonians. Diodorus 17.63.3 for 5,300 Spartans and 3,500 of Antipater’s troops. Cleonymus advised his Spartans to grab the sarissa to neutralise its effect, Polyaenus 2.29.2. Diodorus 17.62.5 for Memnon’s revolt in Thrace. Griffiths (1935) p 318 for discussion of the widespread use of the sarissa and the Macedonian style of fighting. The statement from Polybius 18.18.1 is ambiguous whilst suggesting all Greece adopted the sarissa though it had been shortened to 14 cubits (21 feet) from an extended 16; Polybius 18.29.2; Sekunda (2012) p 13 for discussion.
116.Pausanias 1.13.6 for Sparta’s defences against Pyrrhus of Epirus. Agesilaus’ reply comes from Plutarch Spartan Sayings.
117.Plutarch Cleomenes 11.2 and Snodgrass (1967) p 127 for Cleomenes’ reforms and use of the pike; Polybius 18.18.3 for the general use of the sarissa by Sparta.
118.Curtius 10.10.14-15.
119.Plutarch 74.2-4 for complaints arriving from Greece and Alexander’s treatment of Cassander. Justin 12.14.4 for complaints from Olympias. As far as Pamphlet-originating allegations, complaints from Greece about the regent were linked to Alexander’s ill treatment of Cassander in Plutarch’s account. Any of this could have spawned such hostile anecdotal material.
120.For Lamia see Diodorus 18.14.4-18.15.4 and quoting Adams (1996) p 31.
121.Plutarch 42.3, Diodorus 17.74.1-4, Arrian 3.19.5 for the dismissal of the Thessalian cavalry. Arrian 5.27-28 for Coenus’ speech in which he allegedly claimed the Thessalians were dismissed as their heart was no longer in their work. Diodorus 18.16.4 for Craterus’ numbers. Diodorus 18.17.1-4, Plutarch Phocion 26.1 for events at Crannon.
122.Diodorus 18.18.1-6 and Plutarch Phocion 28.4 for the political reform in Athens and 24.144 for 22,000 population though Diodorus 18.8.5 and Plutarch Phocion 28.7 for 12,000 disenfranchised; discussion in Hansen (1999) p 107 and p 55 for the population of Athens.
123.Thucydides 2.37.1 for Pericles’ declaration.
124.Diodorus 18.18.4-5, Plutarch Phocion 28.7; discussed in Hansen (1999) p 107 and Worthington (2000) p 107. Finlay (1973) for discussion of ploutos and penia in the Greek economy.
125.Chrestos, ‘do-good’, an epithet Phocion gained. Nepos Phocion 2.2 Arrian Events After Alexander 1.13 for Demades’ call for the death of Demosthenes.
126.Plutarch Phocion 9.5.
127.Quoting from Plutarch Phocion 28-29 for the arrival of the garrison; also 31.2-3, 32.4-10, Diodorus 18.64.5, Nepos Phocion 2.4-5.
128.Diodorus 18.74.3 for the 10 minae qualification.
129.The 6,000 were comprised of 600 from the ten tribes; Aristotle Athenian Constitution 63.2.
130.Tacitus On the life and character of Julius Agricola 30.
131.Referring to the chapter heading polemic that appeared in Demosthenes On the Crown 270.
132.Quoting Griffith (1935) p 38.
133.It was reckoned the Macedonians had walked 12,000 miles by the time they reached the Hyphasis River; discussion in Thomas (2007) p 19. By their return to Babylon this has obviously increased by perhaps 9,000 miles to approximately 21,000 in total, thus stades. TA Dodge, cited in Heckel-Jones (2006) p 20, calculated the infantryman that had campaigned with Alexander in both Europe and Asia had marched some 20,870 miles. Engels (1978) p 12 however suggested waggons were not used and the sarissa would have been portered much of the way.
134.Justin 13.1 for 30,000 annual income. For confirmation of Athens’ annual income see Athenaeus 12.542g where it was alleged Demetrius of Phalerum spent most of Athens’ 1,200 talent income on parties rather than the army or city administration. Confirmed by Aelian 9.9. Adams (1996) p 33 argues for 600 talents.
135.Following the discussion in Adams (1996) p 33 and Tarn (1948) p 131 for the sums spent in the last two campaign years. Arrian 7.5.3, Justin 12.11.1 for the 20,000 that went to settle debts though this might be a combination of debt and veteran bonuses, each 10,000; Arrian 7.12.2 for the 1 talent bonus paid to each of the 10,000 retiring veterans. Curtius 10.2.10, Plutarch 70.3 stated that of the 10,000 talents laid out for debt repayment, only 130 remained. Diodorus 17.109.2 stated ‘a little short of 10,000’. Athenaeus 9.398e for Aristotle’s grant though when this was made is uncertain. Chares claimed the crowns were valued at 15,000 talents but this appears scandal (Athenaeus 12.538a-539b). Athenaeus 9.398e for Aristotle’s grant.
136.Blackwell (1999) pp 13-14 footnote 13 for the relative weights of Harpalus’ stolen talents. Curtius 8.12.16, Plutarch 59.5 for the gift to Taxiles (otherwise Omphis or Ambhi).
137.Athenaeus 4.148.d-f quoted Cleitarchus’ account, which gave the figure of 440 talents amassed after the sacking of Thebes, a city described as ‘mean spirited and stingy’. Diodorus 17.14.4 related that figure to the sale of prisoners but alluded to much wealth being plundered besides.
138.Justin 13.1. For the estimates of sums captured see Lane Fox (1973) p 437 and Cook (1973) p 228. For the estimate of 180,000 talents see Strabo 15.3.9. Green (2007) p 62 for the modern (1970s/80s) value calculation and Adams (1996) p 33 for the two centuries of Athenian and Aegean income. Adams (1996) p 33 for Athens’ 600 talent annual income a century before. Engels (1978) p 79 for the e
stimate of tonnage of bullion.
139.Arrian 7.14.8-10 and Plutarch 72.3 for the cost of Hephaestion’s funeral and Diodorus 17.115-116 for the 12,000-talent cost. Curtius 10.1.19 for warship numbers.
140.Plutarch 23.9-10 and Athenaeus 4.146c-d for the dining expenses of 100 minas. 1 mina was worth 100 drachmas according to Aristotle Constitution of the Athenians 10.2. It has been calculated that a mina was equal to approximately 1/60 of a talent. Plutarch confirmed 10,000 drachmas. According to the Persika of Ctesias or Heracleides, the Great King’s daily food supply could feed 15,000 people. Following Pearson (1960) p 16 for the link to propaganda and the Lamian War.
141.Pseudo-Aristotle Oikonomika 2.1352 for the ten per cent import duty.
142.Tarn 1 (1948) p 30 for the probable working basis of the tax collecting regime.
143.Discussed in Hatzopoulos (1996) p 431 ff, and citing Arrian 7.9.9, Curtius 10.6.23, with other examples of the view that common Macedonians regarded wealth as a state commodity at Arrian 1.27.4, Diodorus 16.71.2. For the repayment of debt see Curtius 10.2.8, Diodorus 17.109.2 and quoting Justin 12.11.1-4.
144.Bellinger (1979) p 9 for the success of Philip’s currency. Archibald-Davies-Gabrielson (2005) p 59 for the new minting by Alexander, the tonnage of silver and the Diadokhoi and p 46 for the standards of Philip and p 65 for bronze coinage. Hammond (1994) p 138 for coin hoard finds. Also Wheatley (1995) pp 438-9 and following Wheatley on the ‘unusually large issue’ minted for ‘grandiose plans’. Hammond (1991) p 72 for Philip’s currency.
145.For money in circulation see Archibald-Davies-Gabrielson (2005) pp 59 and 65. Cuneiform tablets from the Esagila Temple confirm high commodity prices when Alexander’s troops were in Babylon. Commodity information was also provided by Babylonian cuneiform tablets; see Geller (1990) p 1. Tarn (1927) p 115 for the fall in the value of the drachma, pp 98, 103 and 110 for the prices of wheat and oil. For the tripling in the cost of living see Adams (1996) pp 36-37.
146.For the strife at Ephesus see Tarn (1923) p 130 according to Phylacus. Also discussed in Finlay (1973) p 143. Bagnall-Derow (2004) pp 19-23 for the surviving provisions.
147.Curtius 10.2.11 for the suggestion that the Macedonian troops left Asia with little in the way of booty.
148.Philip’s mines at Mount Pangaeum discussed in Green (2007) p 63 and the gold to silver ratio fluctuations in Bellinger (1979) p 31. Adams (1996) pp 30-37 for the estimation of 31,000 talents being ‘dumped’ on the home market during this period. Silver coins found at Amphipolis however suggest the ore came from various mines, not just Pangaeum; Roisman-Worthington (2010) p 53.
149.For the numbers of ‘home grown’ Macedonians sent to Asia for Alexander’s campaign see discussion in Anson (2013) p 160 and in Adams (1985) p 79. Anson (2013) p 70 for population discussion; some 250,000 to 375,000 Macedonians might have been eligible for service from a total population estimate of 1 to 1.5 million.
150.Discussed in Grant (1995) p 57. Momigliano (1966) pp 116-12 for the treatment of war and constitutional matters by historians.
151.Athens and the pax makedonika discussed by Worthington (2000) pp 100-101. Demosthenes was notably quiet during this period and restrained his invective against Macedonia until after Lycurgus died in 324 BCE. Plutarch Demosthenes 20.2 for the shield motto.
152.Anson (2014) p 29 for the amassed 18,000 talents at Athens; quoting Plutarch Moralia 841c.
153.Aristotle Athenian Constitution 51.3 for the corn guardians. Finlay (1973) pp 169-170 for discussion of the corn famine.
154.Arrian 3.5.4 and Curtius 4.8.5 for the famines and Pseudo-Aristotle Oikonomika 2.1352a for the duty imposed. Aristotle termed Cleomenes ‘an Alexandrian’ but this might simply relate to his residency. Heckel (2006) p 88 for Cleomenes’ responsibilities. Blackwell (1999) pp 89-91 for discussion of the grain shipments to Olympias and Cleopatra. As Blackwell (1999) pp 96-97 points out, the shipments to the Argeads may not relate to these same years. Cleomenes’ dubious commodity and financial activity is mentioned in Pseudo-Aristotle Oikonomika 2.1352a-1353 and Pseudo-Demosthenes Against Dionysodorus 56.7-8.
155.Discussion of Greek economic revival in Rostovtzeff (1936).
156.Discussed in Shipley (2000) p 39. Due to the lack of detail on whether pay included misthos – basic pay, as well as siteresion – ration allowance – makes the total remuneration comparisons uncertain. Griffiths (1935) p 356: Isocrates was clear that ca. 400 BCE there were few or no mercenaries readily available. Adams (1996) p 35 for the 2 obols cost of jury duty compensation in the 5th century BCE rising to 6 obols by the end of the 4th century BCE. Griffiths (1935) pp 297-316 for discussion of mercenary pay rates. Also Bellinger (1979) p 30 for the pauper and juror pay at Athens; also Miller (1996) p 35.
157.Author’s play on the lines from Homer Iliad 1.238f quoting from Plutarch Demetrius 42.5 and relating to Demetrius Poliorketes’ behaviour that offended the Greeks; translation from the Loeb Classical Library edition, 1920. The full lines are: ‘… and Homer speaks of kings as receiving from Zeus for protection and safe-keeping, not city-takers nor bronze-beaked ships, but ordinances of justice.’
158.Diodorus 19.105.1-2.
159.For Cassander’s execution of Alexander IV and Roxane see Diodorus 19.105.3, Justin 15.2.5, Pausanias 9.7.2, Heidelberg Epitome FGrH 155 F2-3. Anson (2014) p 149 for the dating of the event; also Adams (1991) p 30: Diodorus dated it to the archon year of 311/310 BCE whilst the Parian Chronicle dated its knowledge or announcement to 310/309 BCE. Plutarch Pyrrhus 4.3 for the pledge in marriage to Deidameia.
160.Diodorus 20.53.1-4, Justin 15.2-3 for the declaration of kinships. See discussion on the dates of early kingship amongst the successors in Bosworth-Baynham (2000) pp 229-235. Ptolemy was likely a self-styled king several years before as he was referred to as ‘king’ in various episodes. Also see discussion in Hadley (1969) p 146. For the dating of the death of Heracles see Carney-Ogden (2010) p 118 and for his identity see chapter titled Lifting the Shroud of Parrhasius.
161.Tarn (1921) p 19.
162.Diodorus 18.36.6-7 for Ptolemy’s proposal that Peithon and Arrhidaeus become guardians, or rather ‘administrators, epimeletai, of the kings rather than himself. Quoting Grainger (2007) p 104 for ‘quiet independence’; author’s italics. The date of Perdiccas’ death is backed up by the Babylonian Chronicle extract BM 34, 660 Vs 4 though still disputed; see Anson (2003) for discussion.
163.Nepos 13, translation by Rev. JS Watson, George Bell and Sons, London, 1886.
164.For the battle, Diodorus 20.47-52, Justin 15.2; discussion in Hadley (1974) pp 55-56. Griffiths (1935) p 111 for the calculation that total Ptolemaic forces might have numbered 32,000. Plutarch Demetrius 17.5 claimed 12,800 men were taken prisoner; presumably deaths accounted for the balance of 16,000 lost. Diodorus 20.52.1-2 for Demetrius’ defence of his ship.
165.Plutarch Demetrius 10.3 for the Athenians being first to pronounce Demetrius and Antigonus kings and 18.1 for the ‘multitude’ as opposed to just Athenians using the title ‘kings’. Plutarch Demetrius 17.2-18 for Aristodemus hailing Antigonus king after victory at Salamis and his flattery.
166.Plutarch Demetrius 17.2-6 and 18.2-4 for the assumption of kingships confirming they had first been addressed as kings in their own domains before the Greeks addressed them as such; also Diodorus 20.53.2, Appian Syrian Wars 54. See Bosworth-Baynham (2000) pp 229-235 for further discussion on the declarations of kingship. For discussion on the origins of basileus see Mallory (1989) p 67. It should be noted that Lysimachus was Thessalian, but his father Agathocles, along with his five brothers, had been granted Macedonian citizenship. He was educated at Pella and thus considered a Macedonian by the rank and file.
167.Plutarch Pyrrhus 9.1 for Pyrrhus’ marriages.
168.The festival mentioned and discussed in Carney (1995) p 376.
169.Plutarch Demetrius 45.3.
170.Following the observation in Carney (1995) p 371 and Anson (2014) p 175 for ‘king without a country.’ Anson (2014) p 1
78 and footnote 13 for chronological dating to 294 BCE. Justin 16.1.10-18 and Plutarch Demetrius 37.2-4 for the Assembly.
171.Quoting Carney (2000) p 227 and discussion of the use of basilissa on pp 227-228; the Attic form was basileia. Pausanias 1.6.8 seems to undermine Ptolemy’s monogamy at least by claiming he was married to Eurydice and Berenice at the same time; suggested at Plutarch Pyrrhus 4.4 too, though ‘wives’ does not necessarily require marriage in parallel.
172.Plutarch Demetrius 2.1 suggested there existed rumours that Demetrius was in fact adopted by Antigonus at an early age. Plutarch Demetrius 25.4-5 for the titles afford the Diadokhoi.
173.Scott (1928) p 150 quoting Phylarchus and Plutarch Demetrius 25. The gift of elephants from Chandragupta is recorded in Plutarch 62.4, Appian Syrian Wars 55, Strabo 15.2.9, Justin 15.4.11-21.
174.Plutarch Demetrius 25.5 for Lysimachus’ anger at the title of ‘treasurer’. See Bosworth (2002) p 215 for a discussion of Seleucus’ ‘spectacularly successful’ naval operations against Antigonus in 314/314 BCE. For Seleucus’ collusion with Ptolemy see Diodorus 19.56.1, 19.62.1-9, 19.64, 19.75.2, 19.80.3, 19.83.1 and 4, 19.85.3-19.86.4.
175.Stewart (1993) p 234 for Cassander’s coinage depicting Alexander and (or as) Heracles; also Miller (1991) pp 49-55.
176.For Thessalonice’s heritage see discussion in Heckel (2006) p 265 and for further detail Carney (1988) p 386 and p 387 for the discussion of her continued spinsterhood; also chapter titled The Silent Siegecraft of the Pamphelteers. For her forced marriage see Diodorus 19.52.1 and 19.61.2, Pausanias 8.7.7, Justin 14.6.13, Carney (2006) p 104 for the site and once fragmentary inscription marking Olympias’ tomb near Pydna; further discussion in Edson (1949). Quoting Plutarch Moralia 747f-748a. Diodorus 17.118.2 (and Porphyry FGrH 2.260 3.3) claimed Cassander ‘threw her body out without burial’. Following the proposal of O Palagia in Carney-Ogden (2010) p 41 for Cassander’s removal of Olympias’ statue from the Philippeion.
