48. Text: Kassel and Austin 1983, 140, col. I (1–25) and II (26–48); text and translation, Edmonds 1957, 32–33; and now also Bakola 2010, 320–321 (appendix 4).
49. See Tatti 1986; and McGlew 2002, 46–56. The three gifts offered to Paris are supposed to symbolize the main resources of the Periclean government: Aphrodite offers him beauty and love, Athena courage in warfare, and Hera tyranny. Bakola 2010, 180–208, nevertheless refuses to analyze the play purely as an allegory and insists upon what she calls “the multi-layered composition of the play”; in the play, “Dionysus acts sometimes as the god familiar from satyr plays and comedies, sometimes as the Paris/Alexandros of the Iliad, sometimes as ‘Pericles’, and sometimes as an initiand” (p. 207).
50. Mattingly 1977, 231–245, nevertheless emphasizes that the Dionysalexandros could just as well date from the early 430s and refer to the campaign against Samos—which involved Miletus, Aspasia’s birthplace. The poet doubtless presented Pericles in the guise of Dionysus-Paris, carrying a thyrsus and a drinking vessel and surrounded by a chorus of satyrs.
51. Aristophanes, Acharnians, 524–531.
52. Aeschines Socraticus, SSR, VIa III, 61 (in which the philosopher, bent on his task of rehabilitation, tries to dissociate Aspasia from the detestable image of her Ionian sisters).
53. Montuori 1981, 87–109; the argument is based on a passage in which Plutarch describes the beautiful Thargelia, who “stealthily sowed the seeds of Persian sympathy” and who, it is suggested, Aspasia took as her model (Pericles, 24.2).
54. On Aspasia as a hetaira, see for example Keuls 1993, 198 (“the best known hetaira of the Classical age”). On Aspasia as an intellectual, see Stadter 1991, 123.
55. See Henry 1995.
56. Cratinus, fr. 241 K.-A. (= Plutarch, Pericles, 24.6).
57. Eupolis, Demes, fr. 110 K.-A.
58. On all these names, see Halperin 1990, 111.
59. FGrHist 372 F 40 (fourth century B.C.). There was no reason why Pericles and Aspasia should not have been married: the law of 451 affected only the status of any children they might have and did not imply any illegality of the marriage itself. Marriage was a private affair that was none of the city’s business.
60. Bicknell 1982.
CHAPTER8. PERICLES AND THE CITY GODS
1. Sourvinou-Inwood 1990, 295–322.
2. Xenophon, Hellenica, 2.4.20–21.
3. Ps.-Aristotle, Constitution of the Athenians, 47.1 (Treasurers of Athena) and 54.6–7 (hieropoioi).
4. IG I3 363 = ML 55 = Fornara 113. See Boedeker 2007, 57–58.
5. Thucydides 2.13.4.
6. See IG II2 134 (around 335 B.C.).
7. Thucydides, 2.38.1.
8. Constitution of the Athenians, 3.1–2 (author’s italics).
9. Ibid., 2.9.
10. Plutarch, Pericles, 11.4 (trans. Perrin, modified).
11. See the discussion in Planeaux (2000–2001).
12. Pericles, 13.6. In the early fourth century, the first day of the Panathenaea—which lasted for over a week—was devoted to musical and rhapsodic competitions: See IG II2 2311.
13. Many vases dating from the late Archaic period already carry scenes of musical performances in a Panathenaic framework, so such competitions must already have taken place before the time of Pericles. See Neils 1992, 57.
14. See also Etienne 2004, 67, which mentions that in Phocis, at Kalapodi, a memorial was erected in the sanctuary ruined in the Persian wars.
15. This hall, which was begun in 450, was not completed until the 420s.
16. Parker 1996, 154.
17. See earlier, chapter 5.
18. Pericles, 13.4–7. But even this statement needs to be qualified: see later, chapter 10.
19. Cimon had even begun work on the Acropolis, constructing a surrounding wall; this contained the sacred space where the remains of the old temple of Athena that the Persians had destroyed stood on the northern side that faced the Agora, so that “it showed to all who saw it that the divinity of the Acropolis was not neglected even if the ban on reconstructing the sanctuary was respected”; see Etienne 2004, 69.
20. IG I3 34 = ML 46 = Brun 9.
21. See Shapiro 1996.
22. See Blok 2009 (which clarifies the chronology adopted by Loraux 1993b, 37–71, esp. 41, which mentioned only “a myth of the fifth century”).
23. See, for example, Plato, Menexenus, 237B (in an ironic mode); Lycurgus, Against Leocrates, 100; Demosthenes, Funeral Oration, 4; Hyperides, Funeral Oration, 4.
24. Rosivach 1987.
25. See Herodotus, 8.73 (Arcadians), 1.171 (Carians), 4.197 (Libyans and Ethiopians).
26. Iliad, 2.546–549.
27. Gantz 1993, 235–236. Before the date of the testimony of Euripides, Athenian painters of images were already representing the birth of Erechtheus (from 490 B.C. onward). The scene chosen is nearly always the same: Gaia, half-buried in the earth that she symbolizes, entrusts Erechtheus to Athena, who picks him up and clasps him in her arms, copying the gesture made by a father to his son in the Amphidromia ritual.
28. Blok 2009, 153.
29. Euripides, Erechtheus, fr. 14, lines 8–10, Jouan-Van Looy.
30. On the question of dates, see Camp 1986, 87, who suggests a range of possible dates, between 460–450/448, for the start of the project.
31. Brun 2005a, 249.
32. IG I3 82 = Brun 129.
33. Rolley 1999, 144–145. This makes it easier to understand why the exploits of Theseus were represented on the metopes surrounding the temple, causing interpreters for a long time to believe that the edifice was dedicated to him. In fact, though, the Athenians were representing the exploits of the founder of the Athenian political community, who in this way mirrored the figure of Erechtheus, who was himself placed in the position of founding father.
34. Thucydides, 2.36.1.
35. See earlier, chapter 7.
36. Etienne 2004, 88–89.
37. Pericles, 13.8.
38. See Bruit 2005, 85–103. At the supposed time of the dream, there did not yet exist any sanctuary of Asclepius in Athens; it was only after the great plague of 432–427 that Asclepius was introduced into the city, probably in 420/419, and it was not until the fourth century that a civic priest was attached to his cult.
39. Schmitt Pantel 2009, 96.
40. Herodotus, 1.60 (see Ps.-Aristotle, Constitution of the Athenians, 14.4; and Cleidemus, FGrHist 323 F 15). See Sinos 1993, 73–91.
41. See earlier, chapter 7.
42. Pericles, 39.2.
43. Cratinus, Chirons, fr. 258 K.-A. (= Plutarch, Pericles, 3.3). The poet was playing on a comic association with one of the traditional epithets for Zeus used by Homer, who calls him “The Assembler of Clouds.” According to Plutarch, it was Pericles’ squill-shaped head that explained the variation chosen by Cratinus (“The Assembler of Heads”).
44. Pack2 253 = K.-A. On the dating and themes of the play, see Ceccarelli 1996, 112.
45. Hesiod, Works and Days, 111 ff. See Cratinus, The Spirits of Wealth [Ploutoi], fr. 176 K.-A. (= Athenaeus, 6.267E).
46. Cimon, 10.6. According to Ceccarelli 1996, 142, Plutarch may have been inspired by a passage in Cratinus, The Spirits of Wealth (fr. 175 K.-A.), in which foreigners partake of a Laconian banquet (Cimon is well known for his philolaconianism), grabbing sausages from doorways where they were hanging.
47. Cratinus, fr. 241 K.-A. (= Plutarch, Pericles, 24.6). See earlier, chapter 7.
48. Schachermeyr 1968.
49. See, among others, Beloch 1914, 295; and Chêtelet 1982, 137–138.
50. Plutarch, Pericles, 35.1–2.
51. See Parker 1996, 214.
52. Plutarch, Nicias, 24.1.
53. Pericles, 36.3.
54. Diogenes Laertius, 9.51 (third century A.D.); and Eusebius of Caesarea, Preparation for the Gospel, 14.3.7 (fourth century A.D.). See Plato, Cratylus, 385e–386a: “man is the measure of all things [khrēmata], of the existence of those that exist
, and of the nonexistence of those that do not.” According to Diogenes Laertius (9.51), he was forced to leave Athens on account of his impiety, while his books were publicly burned. But Plato’s testimony refutes this (Meno, 91e).
55. Heraclides Ponticus (fourth century B.C.), fr. 150 Wehrli (= Diogenes Laertius, 9.50). See Stadter 1991; and earlier, chapter 7.
56. Schmitt Pantel 2009, 166.
57. Pericles, 38.3–4.
58. See Theophrastus, Characters, 16 (the superstitious man).
59. Pericles, 6.2.
60. See, for example, Ildefonse 2005, 232.
61. Bruit 2005, 86–87.
62. See, above all, Dover 1988b, 146–147.
63. See earlier, chapter 1.
64. Thucydides, 1.127.1–2.
65. Lysias, Against Andocides (6), 10.
66. Schmitt Pantel 2009, 102–104.
67. See Dio of Prusa, Olympikos, 6. According to the pseudo-Aristotelian Peri kosmou (first century A.D.), Phidias positioned his portrait at the center of the shield, linking it to the statue by an invisible mechanism in such a way that if any attempt was made to remove it, the entire construction fell to pieces.
68. Donnay 1968, 19–36; and Rolley 1999, 128.
69. Aristophanes, Peace, 605; and Philochorus, FGrHist 328 F 121.
70. See Rolley 1999, 64; and Holtzmann 2003, 113.
71. Scholia to Aristophanes, Peace, 605a and b. See now Bakola 2010, 305–312, according to whom the trial probably took place in 434/3.
72. Plutarch, Pericles, 32.1–2. See earlier, chapter 7.
73. Banfi 1999.
74. Pericles, 32.1. See Connor 1963, 115–118; and, earlier, Derenne 1930, and Rudhardt 1960.
75. See, respectively, Plato, Apology, 26d; and Plutarch, Nicias, XXIII, 3.
76. Lenfant 2002.
77. Ibid., 146.
78. On the critique of Diopeithes, see Aristophanes, Knights, 1085, Wasps, 380, Ameipsias, fr. 10 K.-A.
79. Thucydides, 2.52.3–4.
Chapter 9. AFTER PERICLES: THE DECLINE OF ATHENS?
1. See for example Connor 1992, who, however, does not himself adopt the moral and “decadentist” views of the ancient sources.
2. Thucydides, 2.65.5 and 10.
3. Constitution of the Athenians, 28.1. This dividing line is later, in the second century B.C., also recognized by Polybius: “At Athens at least we find that during the government of Aristides and Pericles the state was the author of few cruel actions, but of many kind and praiseworthy ones, while under Cleon and Chares it was quite the reverse” (Histories, 9.23.6).
4. Whereas Thucydides contrasts Pericles to all his successors, Ps.-Aristotle sets out a double opposition: on the one hand, between the leaders of the dēmos and the leaders of the elite, on the other, between the leaders of the people down to Pericles and those who succeeded him.
5. See earlier, chapter 3.
6. Ps.-Aristotle, Constitution of the Athenians, 28.3, mentions the “two-obol dole” introduced by Cleophon. This grant given to a citizen to enable him to take part in festivals (IG I3 188, l. 10 f.) was established right after the fall of the oligarchy of 411 and was abolished in 404, though it was reestablished not long after.
7. In the Nicomachean Ethics, 6.5.1140b4 f., Pericles appears as an emblem of phronēsis, the practical ability to deliberate accompanied by reason, and knowing how to adapt to the constant movements of the world. See Aubenque 1986, 53–60.
8. Eupolis, fr. 384 K.-A., possibly from his play titled The Demes.
9. The term is attested for the first time in Aristophanes in 422 B.C. in Wasps (1309). See Connor 1992, 155–156, n. 40. In 428 B.C., just after the death of Pericles, Cratinus had coined the composite name neoploutoponeroi, the “new rich criminals,” which implies the earlier existence of a shorter word (fr. 223 K.-A.).
10. IG II2 2318, l. 34.
11. Davies 1971, no. 8674 (Cleon) and no. 3773 (Dikaiogenes).
12. Brenne 1994.
13. Cratinus, fr. 73, l. 69–71 K.-A.
14. Podlecki 1998, 129.
15. See Bloedow 2000, 295–309, which shows to what extent the opposition between Pericles and his successors on the subject of imperialistic behavior needs to be relativized. See earlier, chapter 4.
16. Mann 2007.
17. Demosthenes, Third Olynthiac (3), 21–22.
18. FGrHist 107 F 11 (= Plutarch, Pericles, 36.3). See earlier, chapter 6.
19. See Plutarch, Pericles, 36.1. This pedagogic failure is also noted by Antisthenes, according to Athenaeus (5.220D): The Aspasia [of Antisthenes] slanders Xanthippus and Paralus, the sons of Pericles. One of them, he says, lived with Archestratus, who plied a trade similar to that of women in the cheaper brothels; the other was the boon companion of Euphemus, who used to make vulgar and heartless jokes at the expense of all whom he met.”
20. Protagoras, 319e–320a. See also Meno, 93b–e: “The great Pericles himself did not succeed in teaching his sons virtue, nor did he provide them with a teacher in that discipline.”
21. See Xenophon, Memorabilia, 1.2.12–13.
22. Ibid., 3.5.13.
23. Gorgias, 502d–503b.
24. FGrHist 115 F 90 (= Athenaeus, 12, 533A–C).
25. Republic, VI, 492c.
26. Plato, Gorgias, 510b–e.
27. See Schmitt Pantel 2009, 72.
CHAPTER10. THE INDIVIDUAL AND DEMOCRACY: THE PLACE OF THE “GREAT MAN”
1. Lysias, Against Nicomachus (30), 28.
2. Brun 2005b, 197.
3. Tackling the Plutarchian tradition, Gustave Glotz 1931, 133, thus referred to Ephialtes as “Pericles’ lieutenant.” Will 1972, 172, on the contrary does not even mention Pericles in connection with this affair.
4. See Wohl 2009, 172–173.
5. See earlier, chapter 8.
6. Telekleides, fr. 45 K.-A. (= Plutarch, Pericles, 16.2).
7. Herodotus, 6.131. See earlier, chapter 1.
8. Heracles and Achilles both possess lion’s hearts: see Homer, Iliad, 5.639, Odyssey, 11.267; Hesiod, Theogony, 1007.
9. Herodotus, 5.56.1. Some man was said to have spoken the following enigmatic words to Hipparchus: “Lion, with an enduring heart, endure the unendurable trials that strike you.”
10. In 566, the ancient festival of Athena was reorganized and turned into the Great Panathenaea. See Neils 1992, 20, on the supposed role played by Pisistratus in this reorganization. See also Nagy 1996, 111 and nn. 23–24. On Pericles and the Panathenaea, see earlier, chapter 8.
11. Aristotle, Politics, 5.11.1313b23.
12. Plutarch, Comparison between Pericles and Fabius Maximus, 3.5.
13. See Etienne 2004, 190–205 (“La nouvelle Athènes d’Hadrien”).
14. Cratinus, The Women of Thrace, fr. 73 K.-A.
15. Lycurgus [“Against Cephisodotus, on the honours given to Demades”], fr. VIII, 2.
16. See Hurwit 2004, 98 [chapter 3, “Pericles, Athens and the building program”].
17. Thucydides, 1.107.1: “The Athenians began the construction of the Long Walls.”
18. Plato, Gorgias, 455e: “You know, I suppose, that these great arsenals and walls of Athens and the construction of your harbours are due to the advice of Themistocles and in part to that of Pericles, not to your craftsmen … and, as to Pericles, I heard him myself when he was advising us about the middle wall.” See earlier, chapter 2.
19. See the enlightening remarks of Brulé 1994, 97.
20. See Brulé 1994, 97.
21. See Pericles, 3.8 and IG I3 506 (= Syll.3 1001): Athenaioi tei Athenaiai tei Hugieiai. Purros epoiesen Athenaios. See earlier, chapter 8; and Leventi 2003, T 4.
22. IG I3 49, l. 13–14 (= ATL II, D 19). See Mattingly 1961, 164–165.
23. We should remember that the population of Piraeus, the port of Athens, depended entirely on cisterns for its water supply. This project was part of a more extensive policy designed to safeguard the welfare of the Athenians in times of war. See Woodhead 1973–1974, 751�
��761.
24. From the mid-fourth century onward, acts of euergetism were accepted more readily by the Athenian people. In 333/2, Pytheas was elected as the city superintendent of works connected with the supply of water (epimeletēs tōn krēnōn). When he had completed his term of office, the city honored him with a golden crown worth 1,000 drachmas for having used his own resources to cover certain expenses and, in particular, for having repaired a fountain in the sanctuary of Amphiaraus and for having constructed another one in the sanctuary of Ammon. See IG II2 338, l. 11–17 (= Syll.3 281). See Dillon 1996.
25. Ps.-Aristotle, Constitution of the Athenians, 27.3–5 and 18.1. See also Theopompus, FGrHist 115 F 89 (= Athenaeus, 12.532f–533c).
26. He died soon after his return, during the siege of Citium on Cyprus, in 449 B.C.
27. See Plutarch, Pericles, 9.2–3 and also Plutarch, Cimon, 10.1–3.
28. Deniaux and Schmitt Pantel 1987–1989, 153.
29. On this question, see Schmitt Pantel 1992, 180–196; followed by Pébarthe 2007.
30. See earlier, chapter 2; and Dover 1960, 76.
31. See earlier, introduction.
32. See Ehrenberg 1945, 113–134.
33. Thucydides, 1.117.2. Socrates of Anagyrous was also stratēgos during the Samos war in 441/0. He was sufficiently influential to risk ostracism in 443, having possibly been khorēgos for the poet Euripides in 442. In the 430s, he dedicated a khorēgos’s monument celebrating a victory in the rural Dionysia, the first known monument of this kind: see IG I3 969; and Csapo 2010, 91 and 94.
34. Thucydides, 4.102. At this point, Hagnon may have again been elected stratēgos. See Podlecki 1998, 129.
35. Four ostraka bearing the name Hagnon are listed in Siewert 2002, 53. See, more generally, Pesely 1989, 191–209.
36. See Andocides, On Peace, 6; and Diodorus Siculus, 12.7.1. There were ten negotiators, but Pericles was clearly not among them.
37. See Kallet 2009, 56.
38. Thucydides, 3.36.2–3.49.1. On the dēmos’s power over the orators: Sinclair 1988, 136–162; Ober 1996, 132–135.
39. Fröhlich 2000, 83–86.
40. Pericles was a stratēgos at least three times in succession between 448/7 and 446/5. See Fornara 1971, 47.
41. Ps.-Aristotle, Constitution of the Athenians, 61.1 and 43.4.
42. See MacDowell 1978, 169.
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