by Follett, Ken
None of the political parties had organized the strike. The Bolsheviks, like the other leftist revolutionary parties, found themselves following rather than leading the working class.
Once again Grigori’s section saw no action, but it was not the same everywhere. When he got back to barracks on Saturday night, he learned that police had attacked demonstrators outside the railway station at the far end of Nevsky Prospekt. Surprisingly, the Cossacks had defended the marchers against the police. Men were talking about the Comrade Cossacks. Grigori was skeptical. The Cossacks had never really been loyal to anyone but themselves, he thought; they just loved a fight.
On Sunday morning Grigori was awakened at five, long before first light. At breakfast there was a rumor that the tsar had instructed General Khabalov to put a stop to strikes and marches using whatever force was necessary. That was an ominous phrase, Grigori thought: whatever force was necessary.
After breakfast the sergeants were given their orders. Each platoon was to guard a different point in the city: not just bridges but intersections, railway stations, and post offices. The pickets would be connected by field telephones. The nation’s capital was to be secured like a captured enemy city. Worst of all, the regiment was to set up machine guns at likely trouble spots.
When Grigori relayed the instructions to his men, they were horrified. Isaak said: “Is the tsar really going to order the army to machine-gun his own people?”
Grigori said: “If he does, will soldiers obey him?”
Grigori’s mounting excitement was paralleled by fear. He was heartened by the strikes, for he knew the Russian people had to defy their rulers. Otherwise the war would drag on, the people would starve, and there was no prospect that Vladimir might live a better life than Grigori and Katerina. It was this conviction that had caused Grigori to join the party. On the other hand, he cherished a secret hope that if soldiers simply refused to obey orders the revolution might go off without too much bloodshed. But when his own regiment was ordered to set up machine-gun emplacements on Petrograd street corners he began to feel that his hope had been foolish.
Was it even possible that the Russian people could ever escape from the tyranny of the tsars? Sometimes it seemed like a pipe dream. Yet other nations had had revolutions, and overthrown their oppressors. Even the English had killed their king once.
Petrograd was like a pan of water on the fire, Grigori thought: there were wisps of steam and a few bubbles of violence, and the surface shimmered with intense heat, but the water seemed to hesitate, and the proverbial watched pot did not boil.
His platoon was sent to the Tauride Palace, the vast summer town house of Catherine II, now home to Russia’s toothless parliament, the Duma. The morning was quiet: even starving people liked to sleep late on Sunday. But the weather continued sunny, and at midday they started to come in from the suburbs, on foot and in streetcars. Some gathered in the large garden of the Tauride Palace. They were not all factory workers, Grigori noticed. There were middle-class men and women, students, and a few prosperous-looking businessmen. Some had brought their children. Were they on a political demonstration, or just going for a walk in the park? Grigori guessed they themselves were not sure.
At the entrance to the palace he saw a well-dressed young man whose handsome face was familiar from photographs in the newspapers, and he recognized the Trudovik deputy Alexander Fedorovich Kerensky. The Trudoviks were a moderate breakaway faction from the Socialist Revolutionaries. Grigori asked him what was going on inside. “The tsar formally dissolved the Duma today,” Kerensky told him.
Grigori shook his head in disgust. “A characteristic reaction,” he said. “Repress those who complain, rather than address their discontents.”
Kerensky looked at him sharply. Perhaps he had not been expecting such an analysis from a soldier. “Quite,” he said. “Anyway, we deputies are ignoring the tsar’s edict.”
“What will happen?”
“Most people think the demonstrations will peter out as soon as the authorities manage to restore the supply of bread,” Kerensky said, and he went inside.
Grigori wondered what made the moderates think that was going to happen. If the authorities were able to restore the supply of bread, would they not have done so, instead of rationing it? But moderates always seemed to deal in hopes rather than facts.
Early in the afternoon Grigori was surprised to see the smiling faces of Katerina and Vladimir. He normally spent Sunday with them, but had assumed he would not see them today. Vladimir looked well and happy, much to Grigori’s relief. Evidently the boy had got over the infection. It was warm enough for Katerina to wear her coat open, showing her voluptuous figure. He wished he could caress her. She smiled at him, making him think of how she would kiss his face as they lay on the bed, and Grigori felt a stab of yearning that was almost unbearable. He hated to miss that Sunday afternoon embrace.
“How did you know I would be here?” he asked her.
“It was a lucky guess.”
“I’m glad to see you, but it’s dangerous for you to be in the city center.”
Katerina looked at the crowds strolling through the park. “It seems safe enough to me.”
Grigori could not dispute that. There was no sign of trouble.
Mother and child went off to walk around the frozen lake. Grigori’s breath caught in his throat as he watched Vladimir toddle away and almost immediately fall over. Katerina picked him up, soothed him, and walked on. They looked so vulnerable. What was going to happen to them?
When they returned, Katerina said she was taking Vladimir home for his nap.
“Go by the back streets,” Grigori said. “Keep away from crowds. I don’t know what might happen.”
“All right,” she said.
“Promise.”
“I promise.”
Grigori saw no bloodshed that day, but at the barracks in the evening he heard a different story from other groups. In Znamenskaya Square soldiers had been ordered to shoot demonstrators, and forty people had died. Grigori felt a cold hand on his heart. Katerina might have been killed just walking along the street!
Others were equally outraged, and in the mess hall feelings were running high. Sensing the mood of the men, Grigori stood on a table and took charge, calling for order and inviting soldiers to speak in turn. Supper turned rapidly into a mass meeting. He called first on Isaak, who was well known as the star of the regimental soccer team.
“I joined the army to kill Germans, not Russians,” Isaak said, and there was a roar of approval. “The marchers are our brothers and sisters, our mothers and fathers—and their only crime is to ask for bread!”
Grigori knew all the Bolsheviks in the regiment, and he called on several of them to speak, but he was careful to point to others too, not to seem overly biased. Normally the men were cautious about expressing their opinions, for fear their remarks would be reported and they would be punished; but today they did not seem to care.
The speaker who made the greatest impression was Yakov, a tall man with shoulders like a bear. He stood on the table beside Grigori with tears in his eyes. “When they told us to fire, I didn’t know what to do,” he said. He seemed unable to raise his voice, and the room went quiet as the other men strained to hear him. “I said: ‘God, please guide me now,’ and I listened in my heart, but God sent me no answer.” The men were silent. “I raised my rifle,” Yakov said. “The captain was screaming: ‘Shoot! Shoot!’ But who should I shoot at? In Galicia we knew who our enemies were because they were firing at us. But today in the square no one was attacking us. The people were mostly women, some with children. Even the men had no weapons.”
He fell silent. The men were as still as stones, as if they feared that any movement might break the spell. After a moment Isaak prompted him. “What happened next, Yakov Davidovich?”
“I pulled the trigger,” Yakov said, and the tears ran from his eyes into his bushy black beard. “I didn’t even aim the gun. The captain was
screaming at me and I fired just to shut him up. But I hit a woman. A girl, really; about nineteen, I suppose. She had a green coat. I shot her in the chest, and the blood went all over the coat, red on green. Then she fell down.” He was weeping openly now, speaking in gasps. “I dropped my gun and tried to go to her, to help her, but the crowd went for me, punching and kicking, though I hardly felt it.” He wiped his face with his sleeve. “I’m in trouble, now, for losing my rifle.” There was another long pause. “Nineteen,” he said. “I think she must have been about nineteen.”
Grigori had not noticed the door opening, but suddenly Lieutenant Kirillov was there. “Get off that damn table, Yakov,” he shouted. He looked at Grigori. “You, too, Peshkov, you troublemaker.” He turned and spoke to the men, sitting on benches at their trestle tables. “Return to your barracks, all of you,” he said. “Anyone still in this room one minute from now gets a flogging.”
No one moved. The men stared surlily at the lieutenant. Grigori wondered if this was how a mutiny started.
But Yakov was too lost in his misery to realize what a moment of drama he had created; he got down clumsily from the table, and the tension was released. Some of the men close to Kirillov stood up, looking sullen but scared. Grigori remained defiantly standing on the table a few moments longer, but he sensed that the men were not quite angry enough to turn on an officer, so in the end he got down. The men started to leave the room. Kirillov remained where he was, glaring at everyone.
Grigori returned to barracks and soon the bell rang for lights-out. As a sergeant, he had the privilege of a curtained niche at the end of his platoon’s dormitory. He could hear the men speaking in low voices.
“I won’t shoot women,” said one.
“Me neither.”
A third voice said: “If you don’t, some of these bastard officers will shoot you for disobedience!”
“I’m going to aim to miss,” said another voice.
“They might see.”
“You only have to aim a bit above the heads of the crowd. No one can be sure what you’re doing.”
“That’s what I’m going to do,” said another voice.
“Me, too.”
“Me, too.”
We’ll see, Grigori thought as he drifted off to sleep. Brave words came easily in the dark. Daylight might tell a different story.
{ III }
On Monday Grigori’s platoon was marched the short distance along Samsonievsky Prospekt to the Liteiny Bridge and ordered to prevent demonstrators crossing the river to the city center. The bridge was four hundred yards long, and rested on massive stone piers set into the frozen river like stranded icebreakers.
This was the same job they had had on Friday, but the orders were different. Lieutenant Kirillov briefed Grigori. He spoke these days as if he was in a constant bad temper, and perhaps he was: officers probably disliked being lined up against their own countrymen just as much as the men did. “No marchers are to cross the river, either by the bridge or on the ice, do you understand? You will shoot people who flout your instructions.”
Grigori hid his contempt. “Yes, Excellency!” he said smartly.
Kirillov repeated the orders, then disappeared. Grigori thought the lieutenant was scared. Doubtless he feared being held responsible for what happened, whether his orders were obeyed or defied.
Grigori had no intention of obeying. He would allow the leaders of the march to engage him in discussion while their followers crossed the ice, exactly as it had played out on Friday.
However, early in the morning his platoon was joined by a detachment of police. To his horror, he saw that they were led by his old enemy Mikhail Pinsky. The man did not appear to be suffering from the shortage of bread: his round face was fatter than ever, and his police uniform was tight around the middle. He was carrying a loud-hailer. His weasel-faced sidekick, Kozlov, was nowhere in sight.
“I know you,” Pinsky said to Grigori. “You used to work at the Putilov factory.”
“Until you had me conscripted,” Grigori said.
“Your brother is a murderer, but he escaped to America.”
“So you say.”
“No one is going to cross the river here today.”
“We shall see.”
“I expect full cooperation from your men, is that understood?”
Grigori said: “Aren’t you afraid?”
“Of the rabble? Don’t be stupid.”
“No, I mean of the future. Suppose the revolutionaries get their way. What do you think they will do to you? You’ve spent your life bullying the weak, beating people up, harassing women, and taking bribes. Don’t you fear a day of retribution?”
Pinsky pointed a gloved finger at Grigori. “I’m reporting you as a damned subversive,” he said, and he walked away.
Grigori shrugged. It was not as easy as it used to be for the police to arrest anyone they liked. Isaak and others might mutiny if Grigori was jailed, and the officers knew it.
The day started quietly, but Grigori noted that few workers were on the streets. Many factories were closed because they could not get fuel for their steam engines and furnaces. Other places were on strike, the employees demanding more money to pay inflated prices, or heating for ice-cold workshops, or safety rails around dangerous machinery. It looked as if almost no one was actually going to work today. But the sun rose cheerfully, and people were not going to stay indoors. Sure enough, at midmorning Grigori saw, coming along Samsonievsky Prospekt, a large crowd of men and women in the ragged clothes of industrial workers.
Grigori had thirty men and two corporals. He had stationed them in four lines of eight across the road, blocking the end of the bridge. Pinsky had about the same number of men, half on foot and half on horseback, and he placed them at the sides of the road.
Grigori peered anxiously at the oncoming march. He could not predict what would happen. On his own he could have prevented bloodshed, by offering only token resistance then letting the demonstrators pass. But he did not know what Pinsky was going to do.
The marchers came nearer. There were hundreds of people—no, thousands. They were men and women in the blue tunics and ragged coats of industrial workers. Most wore red armbands or red ribbons. Their banners read Down with the Tsar and Bread, Peace, and Land. This was no longer merely a protest, Grigori concluded: it had become a political movement.
As the leaders came nearer, he sensed the tightening anxiety among his waiting men.
He walked forward to meet the marchers. At their head, to his surprise, was Varya, the mother of Konstantin. Her gray hair was tied up in a red scarf, and she carried a red flag on a hefty stick. “Hello, Grigori Sergeivich,” she said amiably. “Are you going to shoot me?”
“No, I’m not,” he replied. “But I can’t speak for the police.”
Although Varya stopped, the others came on, pressed from behind by thousands more. Grigori heard Pinsky urge his mounted men forward. These horseback policemen, called Pharaohs, were the most hated section of the force. They were armed with whips and clubs.
Varya said: “All we want is to make a living and feed our families. Isn’t that what you want too, Grigori?”
The marchers were not confronting Grigori’s soldiers, or attempting to get past them onto the bridge. Instead they were spreading out along the embankment on both sides. Pinsky’s Pharaohs nervously walked their horses along the towpath, as if to bar the way to the ice, but there were not enough of them to form a continuous barrier. However, no marcher wanted to be the first to make a dash for it, and there was a moment of stalemate.
Lieutenant Pinsky put his megaphone to his mouth. “Go back!” he shouted. The instrument was no more than a piece of tin shaped like a cone, and made his voice only a little louder. “You may not enter the city center. Return to your workplaces in orderly fashion. This is a police command. Go back.”
Nobody went back—most people could not even hear—but the marchers started to jeer and boo. Someone deep in the crowd
threw a stone. It struck the rump of a horse, and the beast started. Its rider, taken by surprise, almost fell off. Furious, he pulled himself upright, sawed on the reins, and lashed the horse with his whip. The crowd laughed, which made him angrier, but he brought his horse under control.
A brave marcher took advantage of the diversion, dodged past a Pharaoh on the embankment, and ran onto the ice. Several more people on both sides of the bridge did the same. The Pharaohs deployed their whips and clubs, wheeling and rearing their horses as they lashed out. Some of the marchers fell to the ground, but more got through, and others were emboldened to try. In seconds, thirty or more people were running across the frozen river.
For Grigori, that was a happy outcome. He could say that he had attempted to enforce the ban, and he had in fact kept people off the bridge, but the number of demonstrators was too great and it had proved impossible to stop people crossing the ice.
Pinsky did not see it that way.
He turned his megaphone to the armed police and said: “Take aim!”
“No!” Grigori shouted, but it was too late. The police took up the firing position, on one knee, and raised their rifles. Marchers at the front of the crowd tried to go back, but they were pushed forward by the thousands behind them. Some ran for the river, braving the Pharaohs.
Pinsky shouted: “Fire!”
There was a crackle of shots like fireworks, followed by shouts of fear and screams of pain as marchers fell dead and wounded.
Grigori was taken back twelve years. He saw the square in front of the Winter Palace, the hundreds of men and women kneeling in prayer, the soldiers with their rifles, and his mother lying on the ground with her blood spreading on the snow. In his mind he heard eleven-year-old Lev scream: “She’s dead! Ma’s dead, my mother is dead!”
